Tuesday, August 12, 2025

 GO DEN, South Vietnam, April 9—Communist guerrillas have stepped up their aggressive activities in the northern region of the vital Mekong Delta in the last two days.

About 300 Vietcong rebels struck from ambush this afternoon against about the same number of South Vietnamese soldiers who were convoying supplies to an outpost in Kien Hoa Province, 50 miles southwest of Saigon.

The ambush came less than 36 hours after two companies of guerrillas raided a Government militia school in this village, 15 miles southwest of Saigon.

The rebels inflicted 91 casualties on students and faculty of the center. They took 115 of the school's weapons with them when they formed into orderly ranks in the yard and marched off into the predawn darkness.

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Raid Illustrates Strength

Observers said that the boldness of the attack on the Government post, situated only 100 yards off the main highway south from Saigon, and the audacity of the ceremonial withdrawal illustrated the relative freedom of operation the Communists have in most of the densely populated rice bowl from Saigon south to the Bassac River.

The guerrillas' control of the local population gives them advantages in the gathering of information and in troop concealment. These advantages negate to a large extent the benefits the Government troops derive from United States‐supplied communications and transportation equipment.

The boldness and daring shown by the Vietcong in the delta region was said to have more than counteracted the psychological gain the Government won with its destruction yesterday of a Communist base near the Laotian border.

The destruction of the militia school in Go Den is expected to have an impact far greater than an attack in some out‐of‐way place would have. Go Den is on one of the most heavily traveled highways in South Vietnam and its police checkpoint, protected by thick walls and barbed wire, was familiar to thousands of people who passed through here each day in buses, automobiles and animal‐drawn wagons.

The checkpoint no longer exists. The attackers demolished it with explosive charges.

The training center was so well protected by a thick mud wall, a moat and a double barricade of barbed wire that military men wondered how it could have been seized by only two companies of guerrillas.

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The officers said that almost any sort of determined defense, provided there had been even a few moments' warning, would have repulsed the Vietcong forces.

Survivors indicated that the first they knew of the attack was when rifles appeared over the mud wall and opened fire about 3:30 A.M.

Military sources here said that only treason or gross dereliction of duty could have enabled the guerrillas to . get through the barbed wire and across the moat without warning.

At the time of the attack, the school, known as the Phuoc Loi Self‐Defense Corps Training Center, was occupied by 30 instructors and guards, 66 students and a handful of civilians.

The official Government accounting of casualties listed 28 dead, 36 wounded and 27 missing. Two of the dead, and two of the wounded were civilians.

According to the South Vietnamese Government, the Vietcong raiders took three automatic rifles, 11 submachine guns, 52 carbines, 14 rifles, 15 shotguns, 15 pistols and five flare funs.

 In the II Corps area General Collins was also dubious of South Vietnamese capabilities. The dissolution of the 24th Special Tactical Zone headquarters along the Laotian border and the transfer of its responsibilities to the South Vietnamese 22d Division had not brought any noticeable improvement to the Highlands.33 Local American and South Vietnamese cross-border incursions there had amounted to only minor raids. The South Vietnamese 42d Infantry Regiment had continued its decline begun during the Ben Het battles of 1969, and neither the 42d nor the 22d's 47th Regiment had done well during the struggle for the 

border outpost of Oak Seang in April 1970." Collins regarded the other five South Vietnamese regiments in the zone as acceptable, but saw their "lack of aggressiveness" as a "persistent" and "fatal weakness."" "We need more fighters and fewer shadow boxers," Collins opined, reckoning that "we have perhaps overadvised them to the point where some of the lack of initiative . . . might be traced to overactive advisors."36 In his opinion, South Vietnamese units were "no match" for their North Vietnamese opponents, and South Vietnamese com manders relied too heavily on American air and artillery support now that it was available in quantity. In combat, they were simply unwilling to close with enemy forces. "The failure is one of leadership . .. and one of will." But, Collins had to conclude, "the one thing that can be said is that ARVN soldiers are doing the fighting and taking the casualties. "J> Some of Collins' subordinate advisers emerging from the Oak Seang cam paign seconded his views, and contrasted American air superiority with North Vietnamese "bunker superiority." One, an eight-month veteran adviser, con cluded that the primary Vietnamese problem was still poor leadership: "The only time they fight is when they are cornered and have to fight." He predicted that "in the end, when the American forces do pullout, the NVA will move back in" and that, judging by the punishment the enemy had already taken from American firepower and survived, "the South Vietnamese will not be able to stop them. 1138 Even in the III and IV Corps Tactical Zones, American enthusiasm for the Cambodian experience and its beneficial influence of the South Vietnamese had begun to wane by the end of 1970. Although advisers continued to admire the uncharacteristic dynamism exhibited by Generals Tri and Thanh, the two corps commanders, they also began to focus their attention on perennial South Viet namese shortCOmings. Near Saigon, advisers described Chinh's replacement, General Phan Dinh Thu (alias Lam Son), as a "drunkard" and a "playboy," and certainly a poor second for the aggressive Tri." In the Delta General Cushman pointed out continued grave deficiencies in leadership, training, maintenance, and personnel management, and was especially critical of local South Vietnam ese artillery units. Admitting that the war in the Delta was a Vietnamese affai

"not having had much in the way of u.s. combat forces to start with, there had not been a reliance by ARVN on the U. S. to do most of the fighting" - he was concerned over the lack of improvement in leadership and the lack of motivation in individual soldiers. The net result was a "greater reliance on air and artillery support and a greater reluctance to close with the enemy by fire and manuever." Too much of the Vietnamization program, he felt, was devoted to sophisticated equipment, and it was "increasingly evident" that this emphasis tended to "in hibit the [South] Vietnamese from responding with the more primitive means available to them to cope with infiltration and the problem of locating the enemy (such means as night ambushes and patrols)."" Cushman's comments once again revealed the continuing confusion in roles and missions and American strategy. Were the South Vietnamese regulars to continue their territorial security orientation (pacification), or were they to en gage the larger enemy forces in mobile offensive operations (attrition)? Were the Vietnamese to follow American prescriptions against crossing into Cambodia and Laos? Or should they pull their own artillery out of static security missions to support such endeavors? Why did aggressive commanders like Tri and Thanh make Abrams nervous? American military leaders may have been confused by the entire matter of Vietnamization, which was a method of pulling American troops out of the war but not a strategy for fighting it. If the South Vietnamese simply could not fight well enough, then these questions were academic. But American leaders in Saigon and Washington chose to ignore such troubling matters. Most were more intent on showing how the Cambodian incursion had weakened the enemy and thus justified further troop withdrawals, paying more attention to what the American public thought of the episode than to what the operation showed about South Vietnamese military strengths and weaknesses. What now passed for American strategy in Vietnam was dependent on a variety of factors that appeared to have little relationship to what was occurring in Southeast Asia. Hereafter, MACV was to label almost every South Vietnamese combat action, in fact almost every activity, as another "test" of Vietnamization. However, few American generals had favorable predictions to make regarding Saigon's ability to stand alone. At this stage senior American advisers may have become too pessimistic in their evaluations, reacting perhaps to the many overly optimistic reports of progress in the past. Almost all of them continued to complain about poor South Vietnamese leadership; but, like the weather, no one did anything about it. General Westmoreland himself, visiting Vietnam in July 1970 as the Army chief of staff, saw "a need to clean house in the senior ranks of the Vietnamese Army"; pointed out to Thieu and Vien that there were "many young colonels capable of assuming general officer responsibilities and eager to do sd'; and recommended "forced retirements" for those who had proved wanting." Yet, American leaders still hesitated to push the Vietnamese generals on such matters. Saigon's stubborn resistance to even the most well-meaning foreign interference in its affairs had become gospel among American officials: If the ietnamese leaders demanded complete authority in this area, then let them have it. Washington may have also felt that such personnel changes were not that critical, and that if the Vietnamese generals could keep enemy forces bottled up in their cross-border sanctuaries, then the war was close to being won. But little more than a dozen South Vietnamese battalions had been involved in Cambodia at anyone time, and the enemy response had been negligible. The real testing was still to come. 

====

31 Prior to the Oak Seang battle, the 47th Regiment replaced the U.S. 3d Brigade, 4th Infantry Division, at Pleiku and the South Vietnamese 22d Division assumed responsibility for the northern Highlands with both the 42d and 47th Regiments (later reinforced by the 45th Regiment, 23d Divi M sian, Qut of Ban Me Thuot). In the ensuing struggle the South Vietnamese suffered 1,625 casualties )6 (216 killed, 1,281 wounded, US missing) and claimed 1,697 enemy dead. :J5 Quoted words from Ltr, Collins to Dzu, 6 Dec 70. See also MFR, Collins, 28 Dec 70, sub: Talks With Colonel Ba (Phu Yen Province Chief) and Captain Caligori (Australian Army), RF/PF Training Adviser. Both in Collins Papers, MHl. Quoted words from Msg, Collins to Rosson, 9 Aug 70. See also lnterv, Col Chandler Robbins III with Collins, 1981, pp. 360-62, Senior Officers Oral History Program. Both in Collins Papers, MHI. J:1 Quoted words from Msg, Collins to Abrams, 23 Apr 70. See also Msg, Collins to Duquemin, 19 Apr 70. Both in Collins Papers, MHI. 1I Interv, Barnard with Sfc David Butler, Senior Adviser, 2d Bn, 42d Regt, n.d., 2d sess., p. 319, VNIT 677, HRB, CMH. For similar comments from other advisers associated with the Oak Seang battle, see ibid., pp. 298-99,305-06,345-347, 388-89. For more optimistic views, see ibid., 1st sess., pp. 14, 32-33, 47-50. " MFR, Vann, 21 May 70, sub: Conversation With General Pham Van Dong, Minister of Veterans Affairs, on Thanh's Replacement in the IV crz, Vann Papers, MHI.


 (Chiến đấu cơ Hellcat, xem hình dưới, từng tham chiến ở VN năm 1951-54, xuất phát từ mẩu hạm Arromanches của Pháp đậu trên Biển Đông -- ND). 

Chiếc F6F-5 này bọc giáp chung quanh chỗ ngồi của phi công; trang bị 2 đại bác 20-ly (220 viên/súng), cùng với 2 cặp đại liên 12.7 ly (mỗi khẩu 400 viên). Có thể mang theo 8 hỏa tiển 5-in (4 chiếc dưới mỗi cánh). Các kiểu Hellcat sau này có thể mang 1 số bom nặng hơn 2.000 cân hay 910 kí.

Monday, August 11, 2025

 SYNOPSIS  MACV-SOG, or Military Assistance Command Vietnam Studies and Observation Group, was a joint service unconventional warfare task force engaged in highly classified operations throughout Southeast Asia. The 5th Special Forces channeled personnel into MACV-SOG (though it was not a Special Forces group) through Special Operations Augmentation (SOA), which provided their "cover" while under secret orders to MACV-SOG. These teams performed deep penetration missions of strategic reconnaissance and interdiction that were called, depending on the location and time frame, "Shining Brass," "Daniel Boone," "Salem House" or "Prairie Fire" missions.

During 1968 and early 1969, CCS had been inserting 6-man reconnaissance patrols into the Fish Hook border area between South Vietnam and Cambodia. The hard reality was due to the intense enemy presence continuously operating in the region, if a patrol could be inserted and stay on the ground undetected for three days, it was very lucky. Many teams were discovered within 30 minutes of insertion and forced to be extracted under fire shortly thereafter. Another major factor faced by reconnaissance teams, including the Hatchet Force, was locating an unguarded landing zone (LZ). Locating one large enough for a single helicopter insertion was one thing, however, finding an unguarded LZ large enough to accommodate four helicopters was quite another.

To shift the balance of power and disrupt the NVA's influence in the region, a direct attack on the North Vietnamese headquarters for operations in South Vietnam known as the Central Office for South Vietnam (COSVN) was developed by Military Assistance Command, Vietnam. The headquarters bunker complex was located just a mile inside Cambodia in the Fish Hook area; approximately 14 miles southeast of Memot, Cambodia; 20 miles southeast of Quan Loi and 28 miles northeast of Tay Ninh, South Vietnam.

After receiving his mission days before the Hatchet Force was to be inserted, Lt. Col. Earl Trabue, Commander of Command and Control South, informed OP-35, MACV-SOG in his opinion their plan to attack the COSVN complex was not viable. The plan included the Hatchet Force snatching NVA prisoners as well as reporting on the effects of a B-52 Arc Light air strike against the COSVN complex that was also going to be used to cover the team's insertion. Lt. Col. Trabue fully understood the complexities of the mission and believed it to be too dangerous to insert only an augmented platoon and should be cancelled. Further, he believed the B-52 Arc Light air strike would not stun the enemy as projected.

The size of the Hatchet Force was limited as only 9 US Army Huey helicopters assigned to the 195th Assault Helicopter Company were available for the 10 minute, 20-mile flight from Quan Loi Airfield, MACV-SOG's southern launch site, to the target - 4 Huey transport insertion helicopters supported by 4 Huey gunships and 1 Huey command and control aircraft for directing the overall mission. Because of the flight configuration, only one platoon-sized force could be assigned to this mission.

On 24 April 1969, Capt. William H. O'Rourke, Jr., company commander and ground mission commander; Capt. Paul D. Cahill, assistant ground commander; 1st Lt. Gregory M. Harrigan and 1st Lt. Walter L. Marcantel, then SFC Jerry M. "Mad Dog" Shriver, Hatchet Force exploitation platoon leader; Sgt. Earnest C. Jamison, team medic; and their Montagnard soldiers comprised the augmented Hatchet Force that was to be inserted into Cambodia by helicopter 1½ miles north of the Vietnamese/Cambodian border.

All US Army helicopters were under the operational control of the air commander in the command and control helicopter. The only other air asset assigned to this mission was an Air Force Forward Air Controller (FAC) who was to call for and coordinate fixed wing air assets should their participation be necessary.

Shortly before takeoff at dawn, SFC Shriver boarded the first helicopter. As the aircraft lifted off the ground for the flight, the B-52s were to be making final preparations for their bomb run against COSVN. At the same time the helicopters prepared to takeoff, the Huey carrying Capt. O'Rourke and 5 team members developed mechanical problems and was forced to abort the mission. Because of this, Capt. Cahill, the assistant ground commander, took over the responsibilities of ground commander for the remainder of the mission.

The original plan was for the helicopters to insert the team as the air strike's dust settled. Unfortunately, when the helicopters arrived at the designated coordinates, it was the wrong location. The aircraft flew around for 30 to 45 minutes searching for signs of dry bomb craters, which would mark the correct site. When the pilots finally found three dry ones, the helicopters descended in-trail toward them and landed. After the members of the Hatchet Force leaped off, the helicopters' pulled up and away from the landing zone (LZ) for their return flight to Quan Loi.

As soon as the landing force was on the ground, the men took cover in one of two craters located side by side and roughly 30 to 50 yards from the bunker complex. Immediately after discharging their passengers, the helicopters pulled up and away from the LZ. They had reached an altitude of only 20 feet above the ground when the NVA opened fire from concrete bunkers and entrenched positions with a withering barrage of gunfire wounding or killing those men who had not reached the safety of the craters.

From his position in the western-most bomb crater, Jerry Shriver radioed other team members stating that a machine gun bunker to his left front had his men pinned down and asked if anyone could fire at it to relieve the pressure. Capt. Cahill, 1st Lt. Marcantel and Sgt. Ernest C. Jamison, who had taken cover in the center crater, reported they were also pinned down and unable to help. The air commander notified the Hatchet Force that he was bringing in the gunships for air support. Immediately he directed all gunships to use their mini-guns and rockets to attack the NVA positions. Further, to make sure no short rounds or bombs hit our troops, all attack passes were made along the bunker line, not head on into it. As the aircraft made their attack passes, one of the door gunners noted that the bunkers were made of concrete.

From his vantage point overhead, Maj. Benjamin T. Kapp, Jr., the southern launch site's senior launch officer who was also in the command and control aircraft as coordinator to assist Lt. Col. Trabue should the situation necessitate it, observed the battle site. From his vantage point, Maj. Kapp could see the platoon members in the bomb craters. According to one report, he witnessed North Vietnamese machine guns firing into the bodies of the men lying in front of the enemy positions. These machine guns also covered the open ground covered in ankle-high brown grass with grazing fire effectively trapping the members of the exploitation platoon.

Approximately 10 to 15 minutes into the raging battle, Capt. Cahill heard SFC Shriver transmit over his radio that he and five Montagnard soldiers were going to enter the tree line on the west edge of the LZ in an effort to flank an enemy position. Paul Cahill observed the 6 men as they broke from the crater and ran across the 30 yards of open ground between the crater and the treeline. As the men raced through the low grass toward the trees, Jerry Shriver maintained radio contact with the command and control aircraft and Capt. Cahill continued to monitor their progress.

As he watched, Paul Cahill saw SFC Shriver being struck by several rounds of automatic weapons fire at the treeline and fall to the ground. At the same time, radio contact between Jerry Shriver and the command aircraft was severed in mid-sentence. During the remainder of the mission several attempts were made to reestablish radio contact with the exploitation platoon leader, however, all attempts failed. Later Paul Cahill reported he believed "Jerry Shriver was dead when he hit the ground."

Also early in the fierce fighting, Sgt. Jamison left the protection of the crater to retrieve one of the wounded Montagnards. The team medic reached the soldier, but was immediately struck by a burst of machine gun fire that killed him instantly. Later in the heat of battle, Capt. Cahill lifted his head above the crater rim to evaluate the situation and was struck in the mouth by an AK-47 round that deflected upward into his right eye. This resulted in his total blindness for the next 30 minutes and the permanent loss of his right eye.

At the same time the Hatchet Force was engaged in vicious combat, several other teams were conducting reconnaissance operations from CCS's northern launch site located at Ban Me Thuot. When it became apparent that the gunships on hand did not have the necessary firepower to adequately suppress the NVA enough to evacuate the survivors, those teams from the northern launch site already on the ground were ordered to find secure positions to remain in until further notice. When the teams acknowledged they were in safe locations, the gunships assigned for their protection were sent south to rescue the Hatchet Force. Those helicopters, whose aircrews were assigned to the US Air Force's 20th Special Operations Squadron, arrived at the COSVN battle site approximately an hour and a half later.

After the contingent of gunships grew from 4 to 8, 1st Lt. Harrigan requested all gunships to press their attack with rockets and mini-guns. The increased airpower was successful in stemming the NVA ground fire, but not in halting it. After the enemy's ground fire was suppressed, Greg Harrigan reported that over half his platoon was dead or wounded, and then continued to direct the aerial attacks for another 45 minutes before being mortally wounded himself.

Meanwhile, to bolster and support the Hatchet Force already on the ground, a reconnaissance team comprised of two Americans and four Montagnards was inserted into a third bomb crater located roughly 80 yards east of the other two craters and only 10 yards west of the nearest grove of trees. Their mission was to attempt to flank the NVA bunker line in order to drop grenades into the bunkers' firing slits or rear entrances. However, after being safely inserted into the crater, the recon team reported they were also pinned down by heavy and accurate automatic weapons fire and could not move.

All the while, the 8 gunships continued to rotate between the area of operation and the mission’s launch site to rearm/refuel and drop a continuous barrage of mini-gun and rocket fire on the entrenched enemy positions.  Some time later in the day, 2 US Army Cobra gunships, call sign “Blue Max,” arrived onsite to add their firepower to that already being laid down by the Huey gunships.  The Cobras were assigned to the 2nd Battalion, 20th Artillery (ARA), Quang Loi, South Vietnam.  When it became apparent to Lt. Col. Trabue that the 10 helicopters still did not have the necessary firepower, he radioed the FAC asking him to arrange for Air Force strike aircraft to assist in the operation.  Shortly thereafter, the FAC notified the overall mission commander that “jet aircraft were not available to support this operation.”

Undeterred, Earl Trabue sent his request through the launch site's communication center to CCS Headquarters and then on to OPS 35, MACV-SOG. The end result was that a flight of US Air Force jet fighters arrived on station roughly 45 minutes later. After the fighters made several attack passes with bombs, rockets and machine gun fire, the survivors on the ground reported there was still too much enemy ground fire for an evacuation attempt to be made.

Weighing all the options and weapons available to him, Lt. Col. Trabue made the decision to use napalm against the NVA bunkers in an attempt to break the communists' grip on his beleaguered men. Once the decision was made, Lt. Col. Trabue requested the strike aircraft to make their napalm run along the line of concrete bunkers instead of over the heads of the Hatchet Force. After two napalm sorties, the Americans on the ground reported a sizable decrease in enemy activity and that it was now safe for them to be evacuated.

Immediately after the last napalm strike and after some 8 hours of brutal combat, all four recovery helicopters were able to dash in to extract the ground team. Three aircraft evacuated the Hatchet Force from their two craters and one recovered the recon team from the third. The battle site was ringed by clumps of trees with only two major openings in them, one approximately 20 yards wide on the northeast corner of the LZ and the other roughly 50 yards wide on the eastern end of the south side of the battle site near the eastern-most crater. Three of the pilots' made their approach from east to west. The pilots knew that because the treeline to the west was so close to the craters that they could not clear them with a heavy load, they swung their aircraft around so the tailboom's were pointing west in preparation for departing to the east. The forth helicopter entered the LZ through the gap in the trees at the northeast corner, set down close to the last crater and also departed through the east-southeastern gap in the trees.

As the aircraft lifted off, several crewmen in one of the helicopters saw movement in the center bomb crater. The helicopter again set down near the crater and 1st Lt. Daniel Hall raced over to it to recover the survivors. On his first trip 1st Lt. Hall recovered the team's badly wounded radio operator. On his second trip, and with the NVA firing at him and the waiting helicopter, he successfully dragged the body of 1st Lt. Harrigan to the aircraft. Once 1st Lt. Hall was safely back on board, the Huey rapidly pulled up and away from the battle site under fire.

Of the 18 men inserted for the mission and the 6 later inserted in support of the Hatchet Force, only the members of the recon team were recovered uninjured. Of the original 18 members of the Hatchet Force, 10 were wounded and safely evacuated. Greg Harrigan's remains were recovered, Ernest Jamison was reported as Killed in Action/Body Not Recovered, and Jerry Shriver, along with his 5 Montagnards, was reported as Missing in Action.

After the exploitation platoon was decimated, other Special Forces personnel assigned to Command and Control North were listening to a North Vietnamese propaganda broadcast made by "Hanoi Hanna" when they heard her boast that "Mad Dog Shriver had been captured" by NVA forces. A second broadcast aired by Hanoi Hanna some time after the first stated that "they had Shriver's ears," which was a euphemism for Jerry Shriver being dead and the NVA having his body. The first broadcast was later substantiated by a US military intelligence report declassified in 1993 that acknowledged "Vietnamese voices were later heard (which) stated that one American was in the process of being captured."

In June 1969, SFC Jerry Shriver's comrades at Command and Control South, commemorated his life and the unparalleled level of esteem to which they held him by hanging his prized Chinese smoking jacket in a prominent place of honor in the camp's club. The following inscription was displayed underneath the silk smoking jacket:

In Memory of Sergeant First Class Jerry M. Shriver

Missing in Action 24 April 1969

The above is by no means meant as a vulgar display. It is meant as a humble tribute to a man who was a legend among the members of CCS. A tribute to an individual who was one of the most courageous men ever to wear the Green Beret. SFC Jerry M. Shriver spent 3 ½ continuous years in Vietnam. During his tour he volunteered for almost every hazardous, classified project run by the 5th Special Forces Group (Airborne). Due to the classification of the missions in which he participated, we are unable to give him the recognition he deserves. Those who knew him can attest that he personally killed over 100 enemy and the information that he obtained caused the death of thousands more. His accomplishments were so well known that Radio Hanoi nicknamed him "MAD DOG" and offered a reward of $10,000.00 for his death or capture.

Below is a list of the personal decorations he received:

                                                                    2 Silver Stars
                                                                    3 Army Commendation Medals for Valor
                                                                    1 Soldier's medal 1 Air Medal
                                                                    7 Bronze Stars for Valor
                                                                    1 Purple Heart

At 0615 hours on 24 April 1969, SFC Jerry M. Shriver boarded a helicopter in Quan Loi for a mission that he stated the night before he would not return. The last words he was known to speak as he turned to board the helicopter were, "Take care of my boy," referring to Klaus, his German Shepard that he left behind. Klaus, the smoking jacket displayed above and a little over one dollar in MPC constituted most of his personal possessions.

SFC Shriver spoke Radhe fluently and had a deep concern for the Montagnards. He spent the majority of his pay buying food and clothing for the families of the Montagnard members of his platoon.

The smoking jacket is a biographical summary of the life and feelings of SFC Jerry M. Shriver. It not only reflects the hate he had for the enemy, but the love and dedication to duty that he had for his country. The embroidered Ogdaa means "One Good Deal After Another." A deeper interpretation is a meaning every volunteer understands, "IF you're a man, you've got the guts, and you want to fight with the best - Volunteer."

The accomplishments, courage and the attitude of SFC Jerry M. Shriver will long serve as an inspiration to those who wear the Green Beret. This jacket will remain here as a reminder that such a man did live and that he should not be forgotten ……. "One Good Deal After Another."

On 12 June 1970, a team from Graves Registration was inserted into the COSVN battle site to search the area for the 2 missing Special Forces Sergeants. They recovered human remains that were later identified as belonging to Ernest Jamison and 1 of the missing Montagnards. However, they found no trace of Jerry Shriver, the other 4 missing Montagnards or their equipment anywhere in or around the battle site.

For every insertion like this one that was detected and stopped, dozens of others safely slipped past NVA lines to strike a wide range of targets and collect vital information. The number of MACV-SOG missions conducted with Special Forces reconnaissance teams into Laos and Cambodia was 452 in 1969. It was the most sustained American campaign of raiding, sabotage and intelligence-gathering waged on foreign soil in US military history. MACV-SOG's teams earned a global reputation as one of the most combat effective deep-penetration forces ever raised.

If Jerry Shriver died in this savage battle, he has a right to have his remains returned to his family, friends and country. However, if he survived, he most certainly was captured and his fate, like that of other Americans who remain unaccounted for in Southeast Asia, could be quite different. Either way there is no question the Vietnamese could return him or his remains any time they had the desire to do so.

Since the end of the Vietnam War well over 21,000 reports of American prisoners, missing and otherwise unaccounted for have been received by our government. Many of these reports document LIVE American Prisoners of War remaining captive throughout Southeast Asia TODAY.

Military men in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were called upon to fly and fight in many dangerous circumstances, and they were prepared to be wounded, killed or captured. It probably never occurred to them that they could be abandoned by the country they so proudly served.

At the time he became Missing in Action, Jerry Shriver had less than three weeks left on his third tour of duty in Vietnam.

also see "Mad Dog Shriver"

 It could pull this off despite the fact that it had less horsepower in its two engines than in a single R-2800, the engine that powered World War II planes, like the F6F Hellcat and the P-47 Thunderbolt.

Sunday, August 10, 2025

 Bill Lacer.pdf

1 April 1970: The SF Camp at Dak Seang came under siege by an estimated three (3) Regiments of the NVA. During the siege, the 189th AHC flew a total of 1381 sorties, resulting in an estimated 114 KIA.

1 April 1970: The 119th unit history states that laxity no longer persisted as the enemy, comprised of NVA main force units, swept down from the north and set siege to Dak Seang, Dak Pek, Dak To, and Kontum. An estimated force of three regiments had encircled Dak Seang. The 189th AHC did most of the support for the 2d ARVN Rangers, the MIKE Strike Force, and the CIDG; but concentrations of automatic 37mm and .51 cal fire brought ships down one after another. Air strike after air strike, the enemy continued to bring down helicopters. During the first 16 days of the siege, the Gators stood idle flying missions for the 4th Inf Div. As the situation increased at Dak Seang, almost being over run twice, the Gators were mustered to assist further actions against the enemy. The Crocs were at Pleiku in case further contact was encountered. Thus far there had been four (4) Hueys, one (1) F-100, two (2) C-47As, one (1) A10-2, and two (2) Gunships shot down from enemy fire. A few of the Gators were still supporting the 4th Inf Div around the Hard times area and some saw action.

1 April to 12 April 1970: SF SFC Wade, in his book “Assault on Dak Pek,” provided a second- hand account of the NVA attack on Dak Seang. What follows is an edited version of his account. Aircraft from the 52nd CAB did the majority of lifts and insertions described by SFC Wade. At first light, the NVA 28th Infantry augmented by artillery started a daylight attack on Dak Seang. The initial bombardment was with mortars and RRs which destroyed several buildings and part of the camp's commo. The first NVA assault was beaten back when they got to the wire. Luckily not all of the camp's commo was out. The C-detachment at Pleiku sent in reinforcements right away by airlifting a company from Plateau Gi outside the wire, but they got surrounded before they could move into the camp. This force spent the entire night pinned down and almost got overrun themselves. The reinforcements moved into the camp on the 2nd after the USAF napalmed a path for them. The NVA were not discouraged and made two (2) more daylight assaults that day. There were reports that the NVA were dug in about 30 meters from the perimeter wire. B-52s were used on suspected enemy base locations. The 4th Inf Div had built a FSB equipped with 155's on the large mountain near the camp. When they withdrew, the NVA occupied the site and were directing their fire support from it. After several napalm sorties on the site, the plan was to insert part of a SOG Hatchet force to secure an LZ to be used for a Mike Force. According to Wade's account, a Jolly Green Giant carried the Hatchet force troops and followed the last napalm strike. Just as it flared to land, it was hit by an RPG-7 and blew up killing all on board. //Editor's Note: The VHPA KIA and HELICOPTER databases do not show any losses that correlate to this account. Their only non-Army helicopter loss in early April was a Jolly Green Giant on the 15th in Kontum Province while attempting to rescue the crew of a downed Army Huey.// Wade's account states that emergency medeivaced and resupply missions were flown into Dak Seang and American wounded were replaced with members from other SF teams. A Mike Force was inserted some distance from the camp as a means of flanking the NVA, but the NVA sent a force to engage it. The NVA did not seem to be intimidated by the air support as they continued to send infantry and sappers against the camp even during the day. After a few days, the pressure on the camp lessened as the NVA seemed to turn their attention to the surrounded Mike Force. When Dak Pek was attacked on the 12th, Wade does not provide any more details about the action around Dak Seang. The source for this information was Assault on Dak Pek by Leigh Wade.

1 April to 12 April 1970: SF SFC Wade, in his book “Assault on Dak Pek,” provided a second- hand account of the NVA attack on Dak Seang. What follows is an edited version of his account. Aircraft from the 52nd CAB did the majority of lifts and insertions described by SFC Wade. At first light, the NVA 28th Infantry augmented by artillery started a daylight attack on Dak Seang. The initial bombardment was with mortars and RRs which destroyed several buildings and part of the camp's commo. The first NVA assault was beaten back when they got to the wire. Luckily not all of the camp's commo was out. The C-detachment at Pleiku sent in reinforcements right away by airlifting a company from Plateau Gi outside the wire, but they got surrounded before they could move into the camp. This force spent the entire night pinned down and almost got overrun themselves. The reinforcements moved into the camp on the 2nd after the USAF napalmed a path for them. The NVA were not discouraged and made two (2) more daylight assaults that day. There were reports that the NVA were dug in about 30 meters from the perimeter wire. B-52s were used on suspected enemy base locations. The 4th Inf Div had built a FSB equipped with 155's on the large mountain near the camp. When they withdrew, the NVA occupied the site and were directing their fire support from it. After several napalm sorties on the site, the plan was to insert part of a SOG Hatchet force to secure an LZ to be used for a Mike Force. According to Wade's account, a Jolly Green Giant carried the Hatchet force troops and followed the last napalm strike. Just as it flared to land, it was hit by an RPG-7 and blew up killing all on board. //Editor's Note: The VHPA KIA and HELICOPTER databases do not show any losses that correlate to this account. Their only non-Army helicopter loss in early April was a Jolly Green Giant on the 15th in Kontum Province while attempting to rescue the crew of a downed Army Huey.// Wade's account states that emergency medevac and resupply missions were flown into Dak Seang and American wounded were replaced with members from other SF teams. A Mike Force was inserted some distance from the camp as a means of flanking the NVA, but the NVA sent a force to engage it. The NVA did not seem to be intimidated by the air support as they continued to send infantry and sappers against the camp even during the day. After a few days, the pressure on the camp lessened as the NVA seemed to turn their attention to the surrounded Mike Force. When Dak Pek was attacked on the 12th, Wade does not provide any more details about the action around Dak Seang. The source for this information was Assault on Dak Pek by Leigh Wade.

2 April to 2 May 1970: The 189th AHC primarily supported the 4th Inf Div with some support being provided II ARVN Corps and CORDS. Major support was provided to the 24th Special Tactical Zone during the battle of Dak Seang and Dak Pek.

3 April 1970: These men distinguished themselves by exceptionally valorous actions while serving as pilots and crew-members on GHOSTRIDER aircraft during insertions three (3) kilometers SE of the besieged Dak Seang SF Camp. Approaching the LZ, the ships came under a barrage of enemy automatic weapons, rocket, hand grenade and small arms fire. Undaunted, they continued their approach and landed, allowing the troops on the aircraft to join the battle. Again and again they landed in the area with badly needed reinforcements taking intense enemy fire. Due to their high regard for the mission, the lives of the ground troops and complete disregard for their own safety, the area was secured. The following were awarded the Air Medal with “V” Device, (First Award) SP5 Gilbert R Gonzalez, SP4 David B Pickens, SP4 Luis E Rivera (Second Award) WO Patrick C Buchan, WO Brian D Cope, WO Ward W Dunning, and WO James H Riovo SP4 Richard W Matthes, PFC Albert D Sena, (Third Award) SP4 Phillip H Kelley, SP4 Stephen J Sawyer, (Forth Award) Richard C Pryze, for heroism.

4 April 1970: Serving aboard GHOSTRIDER aircraft as medeivaced helicopters just three (3) miles SE of Dak Seang, the allied forces were completely surrounded and had been under continuous attack throughout the night. The GHOSTRIDERS were assigned the reinforcement mission. Each time they flew into the area, their ships were subject to enemy fire, but their highly accurate effective fire made the mission more successful. In the midst of enemy fire, these men displayed great courage in aiding the wounded men aboard their aircraft. The following were awarded the Air Medal with “V” Device (First Award) SP4 Kenneth L Howard, SP4 Edward J Icovitti, SP4 Gordon S Roberts, PFC Earl R Phillips, SP4 David G Heckendorn, SP4 Johnny W Smith, SP5 James E Gault, SP5 Larry D McGaha, (Second Award) SP4 Robert W Gray, SP4 Luis E Rivera, SP5 Gilbert R Gonzalez, PFC Albert D Sena, SP4 Hohn L Harris for heroism.

6 April 1970: CARETAKER 962 was parked in the 604th Maintenance area and was damaged on the left side by a satchel charge thrown by a VC that penetrated the fence line.

10 April 1970: CPT Karig (P) brought the aircraft to a hover and moved forward off the pol pad. He was forced to set the aircraft down between the pol pads because the aircraft was losing rpm’s. Operating rpm was considered acceptable at 6400, and he hovered left for about 30 feet and again he was forced to set the aircraft down. This time the ship was put down in a low spot, but the other crew members WO Hatton (AC), SP4 Smith (CE), and PFC Ament (G) were not cognizant of the aircraft’s position. CPT Karig then proceeded forward in a low hover along a path where the ground raised about one (1) foot. As he approached the psp runway, the rpm began to bleed off and the left skid struck the edge of the psp causing the aircraft to roll over. No crew members were injured.

15 April 1970: A GHOSTRIDER aircraft was on a sniffer mission at Dak Seang, WO Wilkinson (AC), PFC Lee (CE) and Sp4 Holt (G), as they departed the dirt strip at the camp, spider holes started to open up and they began seeing NVA coming out of holes and heading toward the CIDG Camp at Dak Seang. As the GHOSTRIDER left the AO they were called back to FSB Ben Het. Shortly after arrival they were called back to Dak Seang to extract some Australian soldiers that were wounded. They requested a blivet of water and some whiskey. The water and whiskey was delivered but the wounded Aussie refused to leave. The aircraft did not receive any enemy fire going in or out of the LZ.

16 April 1970: SP4 Ralph E Reed was flying back from Kontum when an armor piercing round went through his machine gun mount and into his groin, bouncing off his back plate and back through his body lodging in his front armor plate.

18 April 1970: Kameron (Kim) Brooks GHOSTRIDER 25 recalls an adventure he had on his way back from Qui Nhon. It’s not too smart but worth reading. (Enclosure 7)

25 April 1970: The battle on Hill 833 near Dak Seang was a major battle. AVENGER 158 was supporting the troops on the ground when they came under heavy enemy ground fire. All crew members including WO Pierce (AC), CPT Mc Kibben (P), SP4 Smith (CE)), and PFC Adkins (G) were placing effective fire on the enemy positions when the aircraft lost power and crashed in the dense jungle killing all on board and destroying the aircraft. A GHOSTRIDER slick was on approach with troops on board and the citation given to the gunner for valor reads, in part, “While on final approach, PFC Lee's aircraft was riddled by a hail of enemy fire. With the intense volume of suppressive fire from PFC Lee, the pilots were able to continue the approach. Because two (2) aircraft had been shot down in the LZ by heavy automatic weapons fire, the small area was almost inaccessible. PFC Lee was forced to hang out of the aircraft in order to keep the approach into the hostile area until the mission was completed.” It was his third (3) day as a gunner.

27 April 1970: GHOSTRIDER 282 was flying with WO Dowd (IP) at the controls when the 90 -degree gear box and tail rotor failed and separated from the aircraft. Part of the assembly struck an indigenous female on the ground and she was injured (extent of injuries was unknown). The aircraft landed without further damage and no injury to the crew and passengers. Suspect components were submitted for tear-down and inspection.

28 April 1970: GHOSTRIDER 865 piloted by WO Brooks (AC) was on approach and started to lose power so the crew started throwing supplies off aircraft causing center of gravity variations that caused the main rotor blades to strike a tree and was charged as incident damage.

Motor vehicle shortages have become a problem. Recent messages from the 1st Logistic Command indicated that assistance should be rendered in the month of May on ¼ ton and 2 1/2 ton vehicles. The 189th received none, zip, Eada.

3 May to 29 May 1970: The 189th AHC provided support to the 4th Inf Div for massive operations into Cambodia during this period. Not all operations are recorded but many were fought. During the remainder of the quarter, general support was given to the 5th SFG, II Corps and the 52nd CAB.

6 May 1970: The 189th CO Maj Morgan, flying as Mission Commander, directed the initial insertion of three (3) Battalions of US Infantry into Cambodia. The operation was a highly successful one consisting of one hundred plus aircraft.