Showing posts with label sư đoàn 7. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sư đoàn 7. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 2, 2025

 https://history.army.mil/Publications/Publications-Catalog-Sub/Publications-By-Title/Advice-and-Support-The-Middle-Years/

As Thi’s leadership brought the 9th Division to life, the 7th Division won two more 

victories in June. After agents reported an assemblage of the National Liberation Front’s 

Dinh Tuong Province leadership at Xom Dao, near Ap Bac, General Nguyen Bao Tri 

struck on the twenty-seventh. Four infantry battalions and three reconnaissance 

companies crashed the meeting. The enemy leaders expected the unwelcome guests, 

as their agents had reported the government’s plan. Rather than withdraw, they had 

decided to stay and fight. Defending the position was the 514th PLAF Battalion and a 

portion of the 261st PLAF Battalion. 

Aircraft delivered a preliminary bombardment at dawn, hitting the tree lines and 

canal banks that normally housed enemy entrenchments. The attack had little effect, 

as the enemy instead had deployed in foxholes in the rice fields. At 0600, U.S. Army 

helicopters began delivering the assault troops 400 meters away from the 514th PLAF 

Battalion’s concealed position. The enemy repulsed two attacks in fighting that lasted 

all day. According to one enemy participant, the bombs dropped by air force aircraft 

had only minimal effect, often hitting empty positions. “If helicopters had been there 

we would have been killed,” he recalled, “because we were out in the open. But no 

helicopters came, and when the fighter-bombers left, we returned to our foxholes.” 

Liberation Radio claimed the Communists had won the battle, killing 300 South 

Vietnamese soldiers, but the actual outcome was somewhat different. The attackers 

destroyed a fifty-bed hospital, killed thirty-one insurgent soldiers, and estimated the 

enemy had evacuated another fifty casualties. The government also killed the entire 

seven-man Communist provincial committee and captured twenty-nine insurgents 

and sixteen weapons. South Vietnamese casualties amounted to one dead and two 

wounded.15 

Two days later, government forces returned to Dinh Tuong’s Cai Lay District to 

hit the 261st PLAF Battalion and one hundred guerrillas. A ranger and seven infantry 

battalions, a reconnaissance company, and an M113 troop assaulted the enemy, 

killing 164 insurgents and capturing 9 individual weapons and 3 machine guns. The 

allies estimated the enemy had carried off another ninety-one casualties. The South 

Vietnamese lost twenty-nine dead and fifty-eight wounded. Two Americans died, and 

another two suffered wounds. The twin battles shook the local population’s faith in the 

Front, and many chose to leave Xom Dao thereafter.16

Tuesday, July 1, 2025

  The Tien Giang Tactical Area

 During the first half of 1964, the autonomous Tien Giang Tactical Area south of Saigon 

had been one of the most contentious places in South Vietnam. The summer mon

soons brought no relief, as the number of enemy incidents in the third quarter of 1964 

increased by 52 percent over the previous quarter. As was the case with other divi

sions, the 7th Division, which controlled the area, tried to achieve a balance between 

pacification and offensive operations, but the need to react to enemy initiatives often 

disrupted this effort.40

 Using the Cushman concept as a model (see Chapter 6), by July, the division had its 

own pacification cadre trained by division and province personnel. One American and 

six Vietnamese MEDCAP teams actively treated the rural sick. Division senior adviser 

Col. Edward Markey credited the division’s educational efforts in getting tactical units 

to be more sympathetic to the population. By July, the division had completed 106 of 

the 405 New Life hamlets planned for 1964.

 T

 he division relied heavily on artillery to perform its mission. Howitzers covered 

85 percent of the Tien Giang area and helped repulse 218 of 243 attacks in July. During 

that same month, government pieces expended more than 6,000 rounds in harassment 

and interdiction fire that produced 200 known casualties. In one incident, 105-mm. 

howitzers fired fifty rounds based on information provided by a civilian, killing 

twenty-four insurgents. The enemy evacuated about seventy additional casualties 

before troops arrived.41

 U.S. Army Aviation also played a key role. The division typically ran three to 

four “Eagle flights” per week, in which U.S. helicopters ferried Vietnamese soldiers 

of platoon or company strength over the countryside in search of insurgents. The 

modus operandi was for Colonel Markey and the division G–3 to take to the air in a 

command-and-control helicopter. If they saw something suspicious, they would send 

in a helicopter bearing a squad from the division’s reconnaissance company. During a 

typical flight, they would drop five to ten squads to search multiple locations. If contact 

occurred, they could call in the rest of the company, or even the divisional reserve—

 two airborne battalions assigned to Tien Giang because of the area’s heavy fighting. 

T

 he technique was successful, but during one landing, Markey triggered a booby trap 

that injured his leg. He returned to the United States for treatment.

On 22 June, the 1st and 3d Airborne Battalions were on a search-and-destroy 

operation in support of the 7th Division near Bang Lang, Dinh Tuong Province, 

72 kilometers southwest of Saigon when they ran into the 261st and 514th PLAF 

Battalions. Enemy fire downed four U.S. Army helicopters, including one carrying the 

commander of U.S. Army Support Command, General Joseph Stilwell. The general and 

all the aviators emerged unscathed. Meanwhile, helicopter gunships lent their support 

to the fight, at one point accidently inflicting nine casualties on the South Vietnamese. 

T

 he combat below was intense, with the paratroopers charging the enemy multiple 

times. Hostile fire killed or wounded all nine platoon leaders in the 1st Battalion, but 

the unit never wavered. The enemy retreated at the end of the day. The paratroopers 

lost twenty-nine killed and eighty-nine wounded. Known enemy losses amounted to 

f

 ifty-eight killed, twenty-six fighters captured, and twenty weapons. One adviser called 

the battle a “little classic of a military operation.” The Army awarded a Bronze Star and 

two Silver Stars to three advisers who fought in the action. One of the men who earned 

the Silver Star was Capt. James J. Lindsay, a future general.43

 On 18 July, nearly one hundred U.S. helicopters ferried troops to Cao Lanh, Kien 

Phong Province, 80 kilometers south of Saigon. The massive operation did not achieve 

much, but the enemy shot down a helicopter that was evacuating wounded soldiers. 

T

 he crew of the downed aircraft fought the enemy for about ten minutes before 

more helicopters arrived to rescue them. Troops also deployed to guard the downed 

helicopter and a team of U.S. technicians. The craft flew out on its own power the 

following day.44

 At 0100 on 20 July, the revolutionaries launched a major attack of their own. 

T

 hey massed three battalions—the 261st, 263d, and 514th—and one company each of 

recoilless rifles, machine guns, mortars, and sappers to attack Cai Be district town in 

western Dinh Tuong. About 300 soldiers, drawn from a regimental headquarters and 

local territorials, defended Cai Be. The insurgents penetrated the town and inflicted 

much damage, particularly on the housing of Regional Forces families. They killed 

twelve defenders and forty dependents. Another forty defenders and forty civilians 

suffered injuries. The insurgents withdrew at 0500.45

 T

 he government responded with five battalions backed by armor to pin the enemy 

against the Mekong River, 5 kilometers west of Cai Be. Two battalions saw the most 

action. The 8th Airborne Battalion occupied Cai Be and then continued through sugar 

cane and rice paddies until 1545 when enemy fire hit two of its companies. The lead 

company advanced an additional 90 meters when heavy automatic weapons fire finally 

stopped it. The second company faltered after enemy fire killed its commander and 

radio operator. U.S. Army gunships fired 130 rockets as close as 45 meters in front of 

friendly troops to keep the enemy at bay. The battalion eventually withdrew at 1900. 

Meanwhile, at 1600, insurgent soldiers entrenched along a tree line pinned 

down a company from the 6th Airborne Battalion. After some delay, the 

battalion commander accepted his adviser’s recommendation to attempt a double 

envelopment, but the move was too shallow, and the pincers hit the enemy’s front 

rather than its flanks. At 1830, the battalion launched a frontal assault, assisted 

by two armed U.S. Army Mohawk aircraft and several gunships. Unfortunately, 

the gunships mistakenly hit the 6th Airborne, unnerving the unit, which then 

recoiled into a perimeter for the night. After Vietnamese helicopters refused to 

evacuate the casualties, a U.S. Army medevac helicopter arrived to remove twelve 

wounded soldiers. The senior adviser to the Airborne Brigade, Col. John G. 

Hayes, expressed disappointment at the lack of aggressiveness exhibited by the 

airborne battalions that day. Thirteen Vietnamese paratroopers died and fifty-two 

were wounded, as was one American. The enemy lost forty-six dead and a dozen 

f

 ighters taken prisoner. An adviser speculated that the allies had probably caused 

another hundred casualties. Military Region 2 contended that by attacking Cai 

Be it had made the South Vietnamese fearful of attacks on other district capitals. 

Consequently, observed the command, “They are forced to split up to reinforce the 

posts, and the morale of their troops is more apathetic than before.”46

 T

 he politico-military struggle continued in August. Pacification advanced 

modestly. The number of constructed hamlets rose to 155, MEDCAP teams treated 

20,000 sick civilians, and the division completed 18 civic action projects. Against 

this backdrop, the killing continued. On the tenth, Col. Huynh Van Ton reacted 

to information that a PLAF company was located 15 kilometers west of My Tho by 

sending out four battalions (one airborne, one infantry, and two ranger) and an M113 

troop supported by a platoon of 105-mm. howitzers. The armored carriers and the 

airborne and infantry battalions advanced south from Highway 4 while the rangers 

attacked from east to west from a position 5 kilometers to their south. All units made 

contact, and an airstrike helped to kill forty-two enemy combatants. The insurgents 

evacuated an estimated seventy more casualties. The South Vietnamese lost sixteen 

dead and forty-one wounded.47

 Ten days later, revolutionaries sprang a trap of their own. On 20 August, they 

overran Phu Tuc post in Kien Hoa Province, 10 kilometers northwest of Ben Tre, killing 

seven, wounding fifteen, and capturing the rest of the post’s thirty-six-man garrison. 

T

 he insurgents then burned the post and assaulted a nearby hamlet. These attacks were 

primarily a pretext for goading the South Vietnamese into sending a relief force. The 

government took the bait, sending elements of several battalions, which the insurgents 

declined to engage. Instead, they waited until government troops were departing Phu 

Tuc along a forest road, hitting the column when its guard was down. Caught in the 

ambush were 360 soldiers from the 41st Ranger Battalion and the 3d Battalion, 12th 

Infantry. The fighting lasted for more than an hour, with the 514th PLAF Battalion 

launching repeated bayonet charges heralded by bugles.

 Four Americans participated in the combat. 1st Lt. James M. Coyle was severely 

wounded but nevertheless kept fighting. Capt. Bryan C. Stone found himself firing 

a Browning automatic rifle in four directions as the enemy closed in around him. 

1st Lt. William D. H. Ragin grabbed a machine gun from a dead soldier and fired 

it point-blank at sixty advancing enemy soldiers. Moments before, he had thought 

they were friendly because they were clothed in government uniforms. Assisted by 

Sfc. Tom Ward, Stone, Coyle, and Ragin covered the retreat of the surviving South 

Vietnamese. By the time the battle was over, the insurgents had killed 85 South 

Vietnamese soldiers, wounded 60, and captured 122 weapons, with another 91 

government soldiers missing. All four Americans died in the engagement. General 

Westmoreland attended their memorial service, and the Army posthumously 

awarded them Distinguished Service Crosses.48

 Stung by the calamity, U.S. helicopter gunships attacked insurgents exiting the area 

by boat that night as more troops rushed to the scene. Allied forces failed to contact the 

enemy on the twenty-first, and on the night of 21–22 August, gunships again took to the 

night sky looking for sampans. On the morning of the twenty-second, seven battalions, 

two armored cavalry troops, and naval forces tried to encircle the enemy in Kien Hoa’s 

Ham Long District. The first attempt failed, but Ton quickly redeployed his men by 

boats and U.S. helicopters to catch the elusive foe. In the ensuing battle, 7th Division 

artillery fired 3,222 rounds, and the Vietnamese Air Force flew 10 fighter-bomber 

sorties. When the smoke cleared, the allies had killed ninety-eight PLAF soldiers 

and captured forty-three prisoners and thirty-seven weapons. Agents reported that 

the enemy buried another 200 dead and evacuated 300 wounded. Government losses 

amounted to seventeen killed and forty-five wounded. Nevertheless, IV Corps adviser 

Col. Sammie Homan thought that commanders were becoming cautious because of 

the action on the twentieth and other recent ambuscades. To restore their confidence, 

he pledged to use U.S. Army helicopters to escort all future troop movements.49

 An example of the promised support occurred on 5 September, when five UH–1B 

gunships from the 120th Aviation Company supported a 7th Division operation in 

Dinh Tuong. The entrenched insurgents hit three of the gunships, compelling one 

to return to base. The gunships in turn killed sixty revolutionaries and wounded an 

estimated forty more. Thirty-four enemy soldiers surrendered after the onslaught.50

 September brought new men to the top echelons of the 7th Division. Brig Gen. 

Nguyen Bao Tri became division commander, and MACV appointed Col. Robert A. 

Guenthner to advise him. Guenthner had received the Silver Star and Bronze Star 

medals for bravery at Salerno and Anzio, Italy, during World War II. Before coming 

to Vietnam, he had served as an adviser to the Nationalist Chinese army. Guenthner 

continued Markey’s strong support for civic action, psychological warfare, and the 

Chieu Hoi program. He had great respect for the U.S. Operations Mission personnel 

working in the field. He also emphasized intelligence, most of which came from the 

agent networks run by district, province, and division entities. The chief problem 

with the networks was that information traveled slowly, as the agents, fearful that the 

insurgents would detect them if they used radios, preferred to send reports by courier. 

Information provided by civilians was also useful but tended to be exaggerated in 

Guenthner’s opinion.51

 As had previous commanders and advisers, Tri and Guenthner exploited the in

depth knowledge of Major Binh, who had accumulated extensive files over his seven 

years of service in the division’s G–2 section. This data sometimes allowed Binh to 

predict where the enemy might move next, and Guenthner established a joint planning 

committee to target specific enemy units based on the data.52

 Even if pattern analysis helped find enemy units, the division had little luck 

penetrating the National Liberation Front’s political apparatus. The Front employed 

strict security measures, and because torture and death awaited anyone it discovered to 

be a government agent, few were willing to attempt to penetrate enemy organizations. 

As Americans had found elsewhere, Guenthner discovered that even after the 

government had identified a clandestine Front cadre, “there is not an aggressive 

program designed to eliminate these persons.” When a suspect did fall in to the 

military’s hands, the colonel considered South Vietnamese interrogation procedures 

to be poor and accompanied by  “unnecessary shouting, shoving, hitting, and kicking 

of the captive.”53

September brought one other development in addition to the change in command. 

On 5 September, the Joint General Staff abolished the Tien Giang Tactical Area. It 

transferred the 7th Division and four of the five provinces it supervised to IV Corps 

and assigned Long An Province to III Corps. Over the summer months, the division 

and its provinces had managed to bring about 50,000 more people into the most secure 

category of government control, but the allies conceded that the majority of the area’s 

residents, nearly one million people, remained under the domination of the National 

Liberation Front. 

Thursday, June 12, 2025

      


CMH Pub 91-16_Advice and Support- The Middle Years, January 1964-June 1965.pdf

               


 
The Tien Giang Tactical Area 
 During the first half of 1964, the autonomous Tien Giang Tactical Area south of Saigon had been one of the most contentious places in South Vietnam. The summer monsoons brought no relief, as the number of enemy incidents in the third quarter of 1964 increased by 52 percent over the previous quarter. As was the case with other divi sions, the 7th Division, which controlled the area, tried to achieve a balance between pacification and offensive operations, but the need to react to enemy initiatives often disrupted this effort.40 Using the Cushman concept as a model (see Chapter 6), by July, the division had its own pacification cadre trained by division and province personnel. One American and six Vietnamese MEDCAP teams actively treated the rural sick. Division senior adviser Col. Edward Markey credited the division’s educational efforts in getting tactical units to be more sympathetic to the population. By July, the division had completed 106 of the 405 New Life hamlets planned for 1964. T he division relied heavily on artillery to perform its mission. Howitzers covered 85 percent of the Tien Giang area and helped repulse 218 of 243 attacks in July. During that same month, government pieces expended more than 6,000 rounds in harassment and interdiction fire that produced 200 known casualties. In one incident, 105-mm. howitzers fired fifty rounds based on information provided by a civilian, killing twenty-four insurgents. The enemy evacuated about seventy additional casualties before troops arrived.41 U.S. Army Aviation also played a key role. The division typically ran three to four “Eagle flights” per week, in which U.S. helicopters ferried Vietnamese soldiers of platoon or company strength over the countryside in search of insurgents. The modus operandi was for Colonel Markey and the division G–3 to take to the air in a command-and-control helicopter. If they saw something suspicious, they would send in a helicopter bearing a squad from the division’s reconnaissance company. During a typical flight, they would drop five to ten squads to search multiple locations. If contact occurred, they could call in the rest of the company, or even the divisional reserve— two airborne battalions assigned to Tien Giang because of the area’s heavy fighting. T he technique was successful, but during one landing, Markey triggered a booby trap that injured his leg. He returned to the United States for treatment.42 39. II Corps Trends, 20 Oct 1964, 1–2. 40. Rpt, MACV, Quarterly Review and Evaluation, Third Quarter, CY (Calendar Year) 1964, 5, Historians Files, CMH. 41. MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Jul 1964, A–11, A–12. 42. Lam Quang Thi, The Twenty-Five Year Century, A South Vietnamese General Remembers the Indochina War to the Fall of Saigon (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2001), 122. 326 
Jogging Along
===========
On 22 June, the 1st and 3d Airborne Battalions were on a search-and-destroy 
operation in support of the 7th Division near Bang Lang, Dinh Tuong Province, 
72 kilometers southwest of Saigon when they ran into the 261st and 514th PLAF 
Battalions. Enemy fire downed four U.S. Army helicopters, including one carrying the 
commander of U.S. Army Support Command, General Joseph Stilwell. The general and 
all the aviators emerged unscathed. Meanwhile, helicopter gunships lent their support 
to the fight, at one point accidently inflicting nine casualties on the South Vietnamese. 
The combat below was intense, with the paratroopers charging the enemy multiple 
times. Hostile fire killed or wounded all nine platoon leaders in the 1st Battalion, but 
the unit never wavered. The enemy retreated at the end of the day. The paratroopers 
lost twenty-nine killed and eighty-nine wounded. Known enemy losses amounted to 
fifty-eight killed, twenty-six fighters captured, and twenty weapons. One adviser called 
the battle a “little classic of a military operation.” The Army awarded a Bronze Star and 
two Silver Stars to three advisers who fought in the action. One of the men who earned 
the Silver Star was Capt. James J. Lindsay, a future general.43
 On 18 July, nearly one hundred U.S. helicopters ferried troops to Cao Lanh, Kien 
Phong Province, 80 kilometers south of Saigon. The massive operation did not achieve 
much, but the enemy shot down a helicopter that was evacuating wounded soldiers. 
The crew of the downed aircraft fought the enemy for about ten minutes before 

 

=====
 more helicopters arrived to rescue them. Troops also deployed to guard the downed 
helicopter and a team of U.S. technicians. The craft flew out on its own power the 
following day.44
 At 0100 on 20 July, the revolutionaries launched a major attack of their own. 
They massed three battalions—the 261st, 263d, and 514th—and one company each of 
recoilless rifles, machine guns, mortars, and sappers to attack Cai Be district town in 
western Dinh Tuong. About 300 soldiers, drawn from a regimental headquarters and 
local territorials, defended Cai Be. The insurgents penetrated the town and inflicted 
much damage, particularly on the housing of Regional Forces families. They killed 
twelve defenders and forty dependents. Another forty defenders and forty civilians 
suffered injuries. The insurgents withdrew at 0500.45
 The government responded with five battalions backed by armor to pin the enemy 
against the Mekong River, 5 kilometers west of Cai Be. Two battalions saw the most 
action. The 8th Airborne Battalion occupied Cai Be and then continued through sugar 
cane and rice paddies until 1545 when enemy fire hit two of its companies. The lead 
company advanced an additional 90 meters when heavy automatic weapons fire finally 
stopped it. The second company faltered after enemy fire killed its commander and 
radio operator. U.S. Army gunships fired 130 rockets as close as 45 meters in front of 
friendly troops to keep the enemy at bay. The battalion eventually withdrew at 1900. 
Meanwhile, at 1600, insurgent soldiers entrenched along a tree line pinned 
down a company from the 6th Airborne Battalion. After some delay, the 
battalion commander accepted his adviser’s recommendation to attempt a double 
envelopment, but the move was too shallow, and the pincers hit the enemy’s front 
rather than its flanks. At 1830, the battalion launched a frontal assault, assisted 
by two armed U.S. Army Mohawk aircraft and several gunships. Unfortunately, 
the gunships mistakenly hit the 6th Airborne, unnerving the unit, which then 
recoiled into a perimeter for the night. After Vietnamese helicopters refused to 
evacuate the casualties, a U.S. Army medevac helicopter arrived to remove twelve 
wounded soldiers. The senior adviser to the Airborne Brigade, Col. John G. 
Hayes, expressed disappointment at the lack of aggressiveness exhibited by the 
airborne battalions that day. Thirteen Vietnamese paratroopers died and fifty-two 
were wounded, as was one American. The enemy lost forty-six dead and a dozen 
fighters taken prisoner. An adviser speculated that the allies had probably caused 
another hundred casualties. Military Region 2 contended that by attacking Cai 
Be it had made the South Vietnamese fearful of attacks on other district capitals. 
Consequently, observed the command, “They are forced to split up to reinforce the 
posts, and the morale of their troops is more apathetic than before.”46
 T
 he politico-military struggle continued in August. Pacification advanced 
modestly. The number of constructed hamlets rose to 155, MEDCAP teams treated 
20,000 sick civilians, and the division completed 18 civic action projects. Against 
this backdrop, the killing continued. On the tenth, Col. Huynh Van Ton reacted 
to information that a PLAF company was located 15 kilometers west of My Tho by 
44. AP, “Viet Reds Wound 7 Advisers,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 21 Jul 1964, 1–2.
 45. AP, “40 Viet Civilians Slain,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 22 Jul 1964, 1; Cao Minh et al., Quan Khu 8: 
Ba Muoi Nam Khang Chien (1945–1975) [Military Region 8: Thirty Years of Resistance War (1945–1975)] 
(Hanoi: People’s Army Publishing House, 1998), 500.
 46. David W. P. Elliott, The Vietnamese War: Revolution and Social Change in the Mekong Delta, 
1930–1975, vol. 1 (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003), 640–43 (quote on 642); Reuters, “Reds Kill 30 
Children,” New York Times, 21 Jul 1964; AAR, 7th Div Reaction to VC Attack on Cai Be, Abn Bde 
Advisory Det, 3 Sep 1964, item 9, roll 36, MACV Microfilm, Library and Archives, CMH.
 328
Jogging Along
 sending out four battalions (one airborne, one infantry, and two ranger) and an M113 
troop supported by a platoon of 105-mm. howitzers. The armored carriers and the 
airborne and infantry battalions advanced south from Highway 4 while the rangers 
attacked from east to west from a position 5 kilometers to their south. All units made 
contact, and an airstrike helped to kill forty-two enemy combatants. The insurgents 
evacuated an estimated seventy more casualties. The South Vietnamese lost sixteen 
dead and forty-one wounded.47
 Ten days later, revolutionaries sprang a trap of their own. On 20 August, they 
overran Phu Tuc post in Kien Hoa Province, 10 kilometers northwest of Ben Tre, killing 
seven, wounding fifteen, and capturing the rest of the post’s thirty-six-man garrison. 
T
 he insurgents then burned the post and assaulted a nearby hamlet. These attacks were 
primarily a pretext for goading the South Vietnamese into sending a relief force. The 
government took the bait, sending elements of several battalions, which the insurgents 
declined to engage. Instead, they waited until government troops were departing Phu 
Tuc along a forest road, hitting the column when its guard was down. Caught in the 
ambush were 360 soldiers from the 41st Ranger Battalion and the 3d Battalion, 12th 
Infantry. The fighting lasted for more than an hour, with the 514th PLAF Battalion 
launching repeated bayonet charges heralded by bugles.
 Four Americans participated in the combat. 1st Lt. James M. Coyle was severely 
wounded but nevertheless kept fighting. Capt. Bryan C. Stone found himself firing 
a Browning automatic rifle in four directions as the enemy closed in around him. 
1st Lt. William D. H. Ragin grabbed a machine gun from a dead soldier and fired 
it point-blank at sixty advancing enemy soldiers. Moments before, he had thought 
they were friendly because they were clothed in government uniforms. Assisted by 
Sfc. Tom Ward, Stone, Coyle, and Ragin covered the retreat of the surviving South 
Vietnamese. By the time the battle was over, the insurgents had killed 85 South 
Vietnamese soldiers, wounded 60, and captured 122 weapons, with another 91 
government soldiers missing. All four Americans died in the engagement. General 
Westmoreland attended their memorial service, and the Army posthumously 
awarded them Distinguished Service Crosses.48
 Stung by the calamity, U.S. helicopter gunships attacked insurgents exiting the area 
by boat that night as more troops rushed to the scene. Allied forces failed to contact the 
enemy on the twenty-first, and on the night of 21–22 August, gunships again took to the 
night sky looking for sampans. On the morning of the twenty-second, seven battalions, 
two armored cavalry troops, and naval forces tried to encircle the enemy in Kien Hoa’s 
Ham Long District. The first attempt failed, but Ton quickly redeployed his men by 
boats and U.S. helicopters to catch the elusive foe. In the ensuing battle, 7th Division 
artillery fired 3,222 rounds, and the Vietnamese Air Force flew 10 fighter-bomber 
sorties. When the smoke cleared, the allies had killed ninety-eight PLAF soldiers 
and captured forty-three prisoners and thirty-seven weapons. Agents reported that 
the enemy buried another 200 dead and evacuated 300 wounded. Government losses 
amounted to seventeen killed and forty-five wounded. Nevertheless, IV Corps adviser 
Col. Sammie Homan thought that commanders were becoming cautious because of 
47. MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Aug 1964, A–5, A–9, A–10, Historians Files, CMH; History, 2d Air 
Div, Jul–Dec 1964, vol. 2, 67–68; Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 22 Aug 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, 
Intel Collection files, MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP.
 48. GO 8, HQDA, 9 Mar 1965, Library and Archives, CMH; History, 2d Air Div, Jul–Dec 1964, vol. 
2, 3, 72–74; AP, “Reds Rip Viet Force, 4 Americans Among 120 Dead,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 23 Aug 
1964, 1; AP, “4 Advisers Went Down Fighting,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 24 Aug 1964, 1.
 329
Advice and Support: The Middle Years, January 1964-June 1965
 the action on the twentieth and other recent ambuscades. To restore their confidence, 
he pledged to use U.S. Army helicopters to escort all future troop movements.49
 An example of the promised support occurred on 5 September, when five UH–1B 
gunships from the 120th Aviation Company supported a 7th Division operation in 
Dinh Tuong. The entrenched insurgents hit three of the gunships, compelling one 
to return to base. The gunships in turn killed sixty revolutionaries and wounded an 
estimated forty more. Thirty-four enemy soldiers surrendered after the onslaught.50
 September brought new men to the top echelons of the 7th Division. Brig Gen. 
Nguyen Bao Tri became division commander, and MACV appointed Col. Robert A. 
Guenthner to advise him. Guenthner had received the Silver Star and Bronze Star 
medals for bravery at Salerno and Anzio, Italy, during World War II. Before coming 
to Vietnam, he had served as an adviser to the Nationalist Chinese army. Guenthner 
continued Markey’s strong support for civic action, psychological warfare, and the 
Chieu Hoi program. He had great respect for the U.S. Operations Mission personnel 
working in the field. He also emphasized intelligence, most of which came from the 
agent networks run by district, province, and division entities. The chief problem 
with the networks was that information traveled slowly, as the agents, fearful that the 
insurgents would detect them if they used radios, preferred to send reports by courier. 
Information provided by civilians was also useful but tended to be exaggerated in 
Guenthner’s opinion.51
 As had previous commanders and advisers, Tri and Guenthner exploited the in
depth knowledge of Major Binh, who had accumulated extensive files over his seven 
years of service in the division’s G–2 section. This data sometimes allowed Binh to 
predict where the enemy might move next, and Guenthner established a joint planning 
committee to target specific enemy units based on the data.52
 Even if pattern analysis helped find enemy units, the division had little luck 
penetrating the National Liberation Front’s political apparatus. The Front employed 
strict security measures, and because torture and death awaited anyone it discovered to 
be a government agent, few were willing to attempt to penetrate enemy organizations. 
As Americans had found elsewhere, Guenthner discovered that even after the 
government had identified a clandestine Front cadre, “there is not an aggressive 
program designed to eliminate these persons.” When a suspect did fall in to the 
military’s hands, the colonel considered South Vietnamese interrogation procedures 
to be poor and accompanied by  “unnecessary shouting, shoving, hitting, and kicking 
of the captive.”53
 49. Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 30 Aug 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, Intel Collection files, 
MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP; MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Aug 1964, 3, 5, 6, A–7, A–8, A–9; Memo, 
Brig. Gen. William E. DePuy, MACV J–3 for MACV Ch of Staff, 30 Aug 1964, sub: Summary of 
Accomplishments, 24–30 Aug 1964; both in Historians Files, CMH.
 50. History of the 120th Avn Co (Air Mobile Light), 1 Apr 1964–31 Dec 1964, 14, Historians Files, 
CMH.
 51. Memo, Col. Robert A. Guenthner, Senior Adviser, 7th Inf Div for DCSOPS (Dep Ch Staff for 
Ops), 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers Returning from Field Assignments, encl. 3, 11, Historians 
Files, CMH.
 52. Memo, Guenthner for DCSOPS, 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers, encl. 3, 8–9; Memo, Maj. 
R. L. Sears, G3 Adviser, 7th Inf Div, for members of G3 Advisory Section, 13 May 1965, sub: Organization 
and Functions, G3 Advisory Section, table C1, 4; Memo, Maj. Edwin J. Dorand, G2 Adviser, 7th Inf Div 
Advisory Det for Senior Adviser, 7th Inf Div, 8 Jul 1965, sub: Summary of 7th Division Intelligence 
Activities, 8; both in Historians Files, CMH.
 53. Memo, Guenthner for DCSOPS, 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers, encl. 3, 8–9, 10 (quotes).
 330
Jogging Along
 September brought one other development in addition to the change in command. 
On 5 September, the Joint General Staff abolished the Tien Giang Tactical Area. It 
transferred the 7th Division and four of the five provinces it supervised to IV Corps 
and assigned Long An Province to III Corps. Over the summer months, the division 
and its provinces had managed to bring about 50,000 more people into the most secure 
category of government control, but the allies conceded that the majority of the area’s 
residents, nearly one million people, remained under the domination of the National 
Liberation Front. 
Battles in III Corp
====
The Tien Giang Tactical Area During the first half of 1964, the autonomous Tien Giang Tactical Area south of Saigon had been one of the most contentious places in South Vietnam. The summer mon soons brought no relief, as the number of enemy incidents in the third quarter of 1964 increased by 52 percent over the previous quarter. As was the case with other divi sions, the 7th Division, which controlled the area, tried to achieve a balance between pacification and offensive operations, but the need to react to enemy initiatives often disrupted this effort.40 Using the Cushman concept as a model (see Chapter 6), by July, the division had its own pacification cadre trained by division and province personnel. One American and six Vietnamese MEDCAP teams actively treated the rural sick. Division senior adviser Col. Edward Markey credited the division’s educational efforts in getting tactical units to be more sympathetic to the population. By July, the division had completed 106 of the 405 New Life hamlets planned for 1964. T he division relied heavily on artillery to perform its mission. Howitzers covered 85 percent of the Tien Giang area and helped repulse 218 of 243 attacks in July. During that same month, government pieces expended more than 6,000 rounds in harassment and interdiction fire that produced 200 known casualties. In one incident, 105-mm. howitzers fired fifty rounds based on information provided by a civilian, killing twenty-four insurgents. The enemy evacuated about seventy additional casualties before troops arrived.41 U.S. Army Aviation also played a key role. The division typically ran three to four “Eagle flights” per week, in which U.S. helicopters ferried Vietnamese soldiers of platoon or company strength over the countryside in search of insurgents. The modus operandi was for Colonel Markey and the division G–3 to take to the air in a command-and-control helicopter. If they saw something suspicious, they would send in a helicopter bearing a squad from the division’s reconnaissance company. During a typical flight, they would drop five to ten squads to search multiple locations. If contact occurred, they could call in the rest of the company, or even the divisional reserve— two airborne battalions assigned to Tien Giang because of the area’s heavy fighting. T he technique was successful, but during one landing, Markey triggered a booby trap that injured his leg. He returned to the United States for treatment.42 39. II Corps Trends, 20 Oct 1964, 1–2. 40. Rpt, MACV, Quarterly Review and Evaluation, Third Quarter, CY (Calendar Year) 1964, 5, Historians Files, CMH. 41. MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Jul 1964, A–11, A–12. 42. Lam Quang Thi, The Twenty-Five Year Century, A South Vietnamese General Remembers the Indochina War to the Fall of Saigon (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2001), 122. 326 Jogging Along On 22 June, the 1st and 3d Airborne Battalions were on a search-and-destroy operation in support of the 7th Division near Bang Lang, Dinh Tuong Province, 72 kilometers southwest of Saigon when they ran into the 261st and 514th PLAF Battalions. Enemy fire downed four U.S. Army helicopters, including one carrying the commander of U.S. Army Support Command, General Joseph Stilwell. The general and all the aviators emerged unscathed. Meanwhile, helicopter gunships lent their support to the fight, at one point accidently inflicting nine casualties on the South Vietnamese. T he combat below was intense, with the paratroopers charging the enemy multiple times. Hostile fire killed or wounded all nine platoon leaders in the 1st Battalion, but the unit never wavered. The enemy retreated at the end of the day. The paratroopers lost twenty-nine killed and eighty-nine wounded. Known enemy losses amounted to f ifty-eight killed, twenty-six fighters captured, and twenty weapons. One adviser called the battle a “little classic of a military operation.” The Army awarded a Bronze Star and two Silver Stars to three advisers who fought in the action. One of the men who earned the Silver Star was Capt. James J. Lindsay, a future general.43 On 18 July, nearly one hundred U.S. helicopters ferried troops to Cao Lanh, Kien Phong Province, 80 kilometers south of Saigon. The massive operation did not achieve much, but the enemy shot down a helicopter that was evacuating wounded soldiers. T he crew of the downed aircraft fought the enemy for about ten minutes before Headquarters of the advisory detachment to the 7th Infantry Division, My Tho, Dinh Tuong Province U.S. Army 43. Memo, Abn Bde Advisory Det for Former Members, Abn Bde Advisory Det, 10 Apr 1965, sub: Airborne Brigade Newsletter, 3, Historians Files, CMH; Quote from UPI, “Two Elite Red Outfits Routed,” The Daily Banner, 23 Jun 1964, 3. 327 Advice and Support: The Middle Years, January 1964-June 1965 more helicopters arrived to rescue them. Troops also deployed to guard the downed helicopter and a team of U.S. technicians. The craft flew out on its own power the following day.44 At 0100 on 20 July, the revolutionaries launched a major attack of their own. T hey massed three battalions—the 261st, 263d, and 514th—and one company each of recoilless rifles, machine guns, mortars, and sappers to attack Cai Be district town in western Dinh Tuong. About 300 soldiers, drawn from a regimental headquarters and local territorials, defended Cai Be. The insurgents penetrated the town and inflicted much damage, particularly on the housing of Regional Forces families. They killed twelve defenders and forty dependents. Another forty defenders and forty civilians suffered injuries. The insurgents withdrew at 0500.45 T he government responded with five battalions backed by armor to pin the enemy against the Mekong River, 5 kilometers west of Cai Be. Two battalions saw the most action. The 8th Airborne Battalion occupied Cai Be and then continued through sugar cane and rice paddies until 1545 when enemy fire hit two of its companies. The lead company advanced an additional 90 meters when heavy automatic weapons fire finally stopped it. The second company faltered after enemy fire killed its commander and radio operator. U.S. Army gunships fired 130 rockets as close as 45 meters in front of friendly troops to keep the enemy at bay. The battalion eventually withdrew at 1900. Meanwhile, at 1600, insurgent soldiers entrenched along a tree line pinned down a company from the 6th Airborne Battalion. After some delay, the battalion commander accepted his adviser’s recommendation to attempt a double envelopment, but the move was too shallow, and the pincers hit the enemy’s front rather than its flanks. At 1830, the battalion launched a frontal assault, assisted by two armed U.S. Army Mohawk aircraft and several gunships. Unfortunately, the gunships mistakenly hit the 6th Airborne, unnerving the unit, which then recoiled into a perimeter for the night. After Vietnamese helicopters refused to evacuate the casualties, a U.S. Army medevac helicopter arrived to remove twelve wounded soldiers. The senior adviser to the Airborne Brigade, Col. John G. Hayes, expressed disappointment at the lack of aggressiveness exhibited by the airborne battalions that day. Thirteen Vietnamese paratroopers died and fifty-two were wounded, as was one American. The enemy lost forty-six dead and a dozen f ighters taken prisoner. An adviser speculated that the allies had probably caused another hundred casualties. Military Region 2 contended that by attacking Cai Be it had made the South Vietnamese fearful of attacks on other district capitals. Consequently, observed the command, “They are forced to split up to reinforce the posts, and the morale of their troops is more apathetic than before.”46 T he politico-military struggle continued in August. Pacification advanced modestly. The number of constructed hamlets rose to 155, MEDCAP teams treated 20,000 sick civilians, and the division completed 18 civic action projects. Against this backdrop, the killing continued. On the tenth, Col. Huynh Van Ton reacted to information that a PLAF company was located 15 kilometers west of My Tho by 44. AP, “Viet Reds Wound 7 Advisers,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 21 Jul 1964, 1–2. 45. AP, “40 Viet Civilians Slain,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 22 Jul 1964, 1; Cao Minh et al., Quan Khu 8: Ba Muoi Nam Khang Chien (1945–1975) [Military Region 8: Thirty Years of Resistance War (1945–1975)] (Hanoi: People’s Army Publishing House, 1998), 500. 46. David W. P. Elliott, The Vietnamese War: Revolution and Social Change in the Mekong Delta, 1930–1975, vol. 1 (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2003), 640–43 (quote on 642); Reuters, “Reds Kill 30 Children,” New York Times, 21 Jul 1964; AAR, 7th Div Reaction to VC Attack on Cai Be, Abn Bde Advisory Det, 3 Sep 1964, item 9, roll 36, MACV Microfilm, Library and Archives, CMH. 328 Jogging Along sending out four battalions (one airborne, one infantry, and two ranger) and an M113 troop supported by a platoon of 105-mm. howitzers. The armored carriers and the airborne and infantry battalions advanced south from Highway 4 while the rangers attacked from east to west from a position 5 kilometers to their south. All units made contact, and an airstrike helped to kill forty-two enemy combatants. The insurgents evacuated an estimated seventy more casualties. The South Vietnamese lost sixteen dead and forty-one wounded.47 Ten days later, revolutionaries sprang a trap of their own. On 20 August, they overran Phu Tuc post in Kien Hoa Province, 10 kilometers northwest of Ben Tre, killing seven, wounding fifteen, and capturing the rest of the post’s thirty-six-man garrison. T he insurgents then burned the post and assaulted a nearby hamlet. These attacks were primarily a pretext for goading the South Vietnamese into sending a relief force. The government took the bait, sending elements of several battalions, which the insurgents declined to engage. Instead, they waited until government troops were departing Phu Tuc along a forest road, hitting the column when its guard was down. Caught in the ambush were 360 soldiers from the 41st Ranger Battalion and the 3d Battalion, 12th Infantry. The fighting lasted for more than an hour, with the 514th PLAF Battalion launching repeated bayonet charges heralded by bugles. Four Americans participated in the combat. 1st Lt. James M. Coyle was severely wounded but nevertheless kept fighting. Capt. Bryan C. Stone found himself firing a Browning automatic rifle in four directions as the enemy closed in around him. 1st Lt. William D. H. Ragin grabbed a machine gun from a dead soldier and fired it point-blank at sixty advancing enemy soldiers. Moments before, he had thought they were friendly because they were clothed in government uniforms. Assisted by Sfc. Tom Ward, Stone, Coyle, and Ragin covered the retreat of the surviving South Vietnamese. By the time the battle was over, the insurgents had killed 85 South Vietnamese soldiers, wounded 60, and captured 122 weapons, with another 91 government soldiers missing. All four Americans died in the engagement. General Westmoreland attended their memorial service, and the Army posthumously awarded them Distinguished Service Crosses.48 Stung by the calamity, U.S. helicopter gunships attacked insurgents exiting the area by boat that night as more troops rushed to the scene. Allied forces failed to contact the enemy on the twenty-first, and on the night of 21–22 August, gunships again took to the night sky looking for sampans. On the morning of the twenty-second, seven battalions, two armored cavalry troops, and naval forces tried to encircle the enemy in Kien Hoa’s Ham Long District. The first attempt failed, but Ton quickly redeployed his men by boats and U.S. helicopters to catch the elusive foe. In the ensuing battle, 7th Division artillery fired 3,222 rounds, and the Vietnamese Air Force flew 10 fighter-bomber sorties. When the smoke cleared, the allies had killed ninety-eight PLAF soldiers and captured forty-three prisoners and thirty-seven weapons. Agents reported that the enemy buried another 200 dead and evacuated 300 wounded. Government losses amounted to seventeen killed and forty-five wounded. Nevertheless, IV Corps adviser Col. Sammie Homan thought that commanders were becoming cautious because of 47. MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Aug 1964, A–5, A–9, A–10, Historians Files, CMH; History, 2d Air Div, Jul–Dec 1964, vol. 2, 67–68; Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 22 Aug 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, Intel Collection files, MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP. 48. GO 8, HQDA, 9 Mar 1965, Library and Archives, CMH; History, 2d Air Div, Jul–Dec 1964, vol. 2, 3, 72–74; AP, “Reds Rip Viet Force, 4 Americans Among 120 Dead,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 23 Aug 1964, 1; AP, “4 Advisers Went Down Fighting,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 24 Aug 1964, 1. 329 Advice and Support: The Middle Years, January 1964-June 1965 the action on the twentieth and other recent ambuscades. To restore their confidence, he pledged to use U.S. Army helicopters to escort all future troop movements.49 An example of the promised support occurred on 5 September, when five UH–1B gunships from the 120th Aviation Company supported a 7th Division operation in Dinh Tuong. The entrenched insurgents hit three of the gunships, compelling one to return to base. The gunships in turn killed sixty revolutionaries and wounded an estimated forty more. Thirty-four enemy soldiers surrendered after the onslaught.50 September brought new men to the top echelons of the 7th Division. Brig Gen. Nguyen Bao Tri became division commander, and MACV appointed Col. Robert A. Guenthner to advise him. Guenthner had received the Silver Star and Bronze Star medals for bravery at Salerno and Anzio, Italy, during World War II. Before coming to Vietnam, he had served as an adviser to the Nationalist Chinese army. Guenthner continued Markey’s strong support for civic action, psychological warfare, and the Chieu Hoi program. He had great respect for the U.S. Operations Mission personnel working in the field. He also emphasized intelligence, most of which came from the agent networks run by district, province, and division entities. The chief problem with the networks was that information traveled slowly, as the agents, fearful that the insurgents would detect them if they used radios, preferred to send reports by courier. Information provided by civilians was also useful but tended to be exaggerated in Guenthner’s opinion.51 As had previous commanders and advisers, Tri and Guenthner exploited the in depth knowledge of Major Binh, who had accumulated extensive files over his seven years of service in the division’s G–2 section. This data sometimes allowed Binh to predict where the enemy might move next, and Guenthner established a joint planning committee to target specific enemy units based on the data.52 Even if pattern analysis helped find enemy units, the division had little luck penetrating the National Liberation Front’s political apparatus. The Front employed strict security measures, and because torture and death awaited anyone it discovered to be a government agent, few were willing to attempt to penetrate enemy organizations. As Americans had found elsewhere, Guenthner discovered that even after the government had identified a clandestine Front cadre, “there is not an aggressive program designed to eliminate these persons.” When a suspect did fall in to the military’s hands, the colonel considered South Vietnamese interrogation procedures to be poor and accompanied by “unnecessary shouting, shoving, hitting, and kicking of the captive.”53 49. Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 30 Aug 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, Intel Collection files, MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP; MACV, Monthly Evaluation, Aug 1964, 3, 5, 6, A–7, A–8, A–9; Memo, Brig. Gen. William E. DePuy, MACV J–3 for MACV Ch of Staff, 30 Aug 1964, sub: Summary of Accomplishments, 24–30 Aug 1964; both in Historians Files, CMH. 50. History of the 120th Avn Co (Air Mobile Light), 1 Apr 1964–31 Dec 1964, 14, Historians Files, CMH. 51. Memo, Col. Robert A. Guenthner, Senior Adviser, 7th Inf Div for DCSOPS (Dep Ch Staff for Ops), 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers Returning from Field Assignments, encl. 3, 11, Historians Files, CMH. 52. Memo, Guenthner for DCSOPS, 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers, encl. 3, 8–9; Memo, Maj. R. L. Sears, G3 Adviser, 7th Inf Div, for members of G3 Advisory Section, 13 May 1965, sub: Organization and Functions, G3 Advisory Section, table C1, 4; Memo, Maj. Edwin J. Dorand, G2 Adviser, 7th Inf Div Advisory Det for Senior Adviser, 7th Inf Div, 8 Jul 1965, sub: Summary of 7th Division Intelligence Activities, 8; both in Historians Files, CMH. 53. Memo, Guenthner for DCSOPS, 22 Jul 1965, sub: Debriefing of Officers, encl. 3, 8–9, 10 (quotes). 330 Jogging Along September brought one other development in addition to the change in command. On 5 September, the Joint General Staff abolished the Tien Giang Tactical Area. It transferred the 7th Division and four of the five provinces it supervised to IV Corps and assigned Long An Province to III Corps. Over the summer months, the division and its provinces had managed to bring about 50,000 more people into the most secure category of government control, but the allies conceded that the majority of the area’s residents, nearly one million people, remained under the domination of the National Liberation Front. Battles in III Corp
====
Many communities expressed apathy during Vietnam’s fratricidal conflict, but 
some adhered vigorously to one side or the other. One such community was the 
Catholic hamlet of Long Phu, located 8 kilometers from Ben Tre in Kien Hoa Province. 
Over the past year, the National Liberation Front had hit this hamlet over forty times, 
and each time the inhabitants had repulsed the insurgents. The government had urged 
the population to relocate to a safer locale and most had done so, but a hard core 
refused to leave.
 On 23 September, the Front tried to overrun Long Phu once again. At 0235, mortar 
f
 ire covered sappers as they sprinted forward to place demolition charges along the 
barbed-wire perimeter. After the charges blew gaps through the barrier, insurgent 
soldiers charged through, but the hamlet’s fifty defenders repulsed them once more. 
By the time reinforcements arrived, they found the enemy in retreat, leaving behind 
twenty-two bodies and twenty-six weapons. The South Vietnamese estimated the 
enemy had carried off another seventy-two casualties. The defenders lost five dead and 
four wounded, but the government had had enough. The next day it compelled the last 
few residents and their Popular Forces defenders to relocate.74
 73. Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 26 Sep 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, Intel Collection files, 
MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP.
 74. “Viet Cong Steps Up Attacks,” New York Times, 24 Sep 196; Horst Faas, “Heroic Long Phu 
Soldiers Repulse Viet Cong,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 25 Sep 1964, 6; AP, “Heroic Viet Unit Evacuates 
Post After Victory,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 26 Sep 1964, 7; Msg, Saigon A-299 to State, 16 Oct 1964, sub: 
Mission Province Report: Kien Hoa, 4, Historians Files, CMH.
 338
Jogging Along
 T
 hree days after the enemy assaulted Long Phu, the 43d Ranger Battalion chased 
an enemy force into a fortified pagoda 5 kilometers southeast of Cau Ke, Vinh Binh 
Province. The commander split his force, sending two companies across flooded paddies 
to attack from the east as the rest of the battalion circled around to approach from the 
west. By 1130, enemy fire had pinned down the eastern wing. Disregarding American 
advice to bring the rest of the battalion back to support the eastern attack, the other 
two companies continued to advance around to the west until enemy fire pinned them 
down as well. At 1330, the insurgents killed an adviser while he was directing fire on 
an enemy machine gun. A request for artillery support went unmet, and the 4.2-inch 
mortar platoon accompanying the battalion fired only four rounds as it had brought 
little ammunition. Finally, the battalion commander asked for air support. The U.S. 
Air Force made ten sorties, losing one aircraft. Ten U.S. Army helicopter gunships also 
lent assistance. Late in the afternoon, the 9th Division ordered an M113 troop to help, 
but a recoilless rifle halted the unit in its tracks, damaging two carriers, 6 kilometers 
from the pagoda. The rangers’ ordeal ended about midnight when the enemy left the 
area. The South Vietnamese lost nine dead and twenty-seven wounded. The United 
States lost one dead soldier and an A–1E Skyraider. Enemy losses numbered twenty 
dead and seven captured weapons, with the insurgents reportedly carrying off forty 
more casualties.75 
T
 he enemy’s summe
 ===

Many communities expressed apathy during Vietnam’s fratricidal conflict, but some adhered vigorously to one side or the other. One such community was the Catholic hamlet of Long Phu, located 8 kilometers from Ben Tre in Kien Hoa Province. Over the past year, the National Liberation Front had hit this hamlet over forty times, and each time the inhabitants had repulsed the insurgents. The government had urged the population to relocate to a safer locale and most had done so, but a hard core refused to leave. On 23 September, the Front tried to overrun Long Phu once again. At 0235, mortar f ire covered sappers as they sprinted forward to place demolition charges along the barbed-wire perimeter. After the charges blew gaps through the barrier, insurgent soldiers charged through, but the hamlet’s fifty defenders repulsed them once more. By the time reinforcements arrived, they found the enemy in retreat, leaving behind twenty-two bodies and twenty-six weapons. The South Vietnamese estimated the enemy had carried off another seventy-two casualties. The defenders lost five dead and four wounded, but the government had had enough. The next day it compelled the last few residents and their Popular Forces defenders to relocate.74 73. Talking Paper, ODCSOPS, 26 Sep 1964, sub: Southeast Asia Briefing, Intel Collection files, MHB, MACJ03, RG 472, NACP. 74. “Viet Cong Steps Up Attacks,” New York Times, 24 Sep 196; Horst Faas, “Heroic Long Phu Soldiers Repulse Viet Cong,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 25 Sep 1964, 6; AP, “Heroic Viet Unit Evacuates Post After Victory,” Pacific Stars & Stripes, 26 Sep 1964, 7; Msg, Saigon A-299 to State, 16 Oct 1964, sub: Mission Province Report: Kien Hoa, 4, Historians Files, CMH. 338 Jogging Along T hree days after the enemy assaulted Long Phu, the 43d Ranger Battalion chased an enemy force into a fortified pagoda 5 kilometers southeast of Cau Ke, Vinh Binh Province. The commander split his force, sending two companies across flooded paddies to attack from the east as the rest of the battalion circled around to approach from the west. By 1130, enemy fire had pinned down the eastern wing. Disregarding American advice to bring the rest of the battalion back to support the eastern attack, the other two companies continued to advance around to the west until enemy fire pinned them down as well. At 1330, the insurgents killed an adviser while he was directing fire on an enemy machine gun. A request for artillery support went unmet, and the 4.2-inch mortar platoon accompanying the battalion fired only four rounds as it had brought little ammunition. Finally, the battalion commander asked for air support. The U.S. Air Force made ten sorties, losing one aircraft. Ten U.S. Army helicopter gunships also lent assistance. Late in the afternoon, the 9th Division ordered an M113 troop to help, but a recoilless rifle halted the unit in its tracks, damaging two carriers, 6 kilometers from the pagoda. The rangers’ ordeal ended about midnight when the enemy left the area. The South Vietnamese lost nine dead and twenty-seven wounded. The United States lost one dead soldier and an A–1E Skyraider. Enemy losses numbered twenty dead and seven captured weapons, with the insurgents reportedly carrying off forty more casualties.75 T he enemy’s summer offensive in IV Corps generate

Monday, June 3, 2024

 Quận Sầm Giang, tỉnh Định Tường.

Hồi thời còn phục vụ ở sđ 7 bộ binh, mỗi lần đoàn quân xa đang trên QL-4 quẹo phải vào quận Sầm Giang, lính tráng đều buồn vì đây là vùng đất dữ vì lực lượng CS ở đây rất mạnh. Tôi nhớ có lần, sau khi đoàn xe tới xã Vĩnh Kim, cũng là quận lỵ của Sầm Giang, xem bản đồ, chúng tôi phải đi bộ qua một cầu và tiến quân về hướng tây. Tôi còn nhớ đã thấy một cô gái rất đẹp ở ngay quận lỵ nhỏ bé và mất an ninh này! 

Lần đó, chúng tôi tiến quân dọc theo rạch hay sông* này; chỉ đụng độ lẻ tẻ. Khi rút quân vào lúc tối trời để trở về xã Vĩnh Kim, chúng tôi phải đi bộ gần như trên lòng rạch, vì nước đã rút gần như cạn nước. Vì đây là lòng rạch, địa thế sình lầy, lắm lúc bị lún sâu, phải cố gắng hết sức mức rút chân để theo sau người đi trước. Sau đó vượt sông, gặp 1 con lộ đá, bọn tôi đi bộ ngược về xã Vĩnh Kim, cũng là quận lỵ Sầm Giang. Hai bên lộ đá có nhà dân. CS đã dùng súng cối để pháo kích quấy rối chúng tôi.

* Nhờ có bản đồ của tỉnh Định Tường, in năm 1971 bởi Nha Địa dư Quốc gia VNCH, tôi biết đây là Rạch Bon Lợi, chạy cặp theo rạch là một tỉnh lộ ko tên chạy từ xã Vĩnh Kim tới xã Long Tiên. Từ xã Long Tiên có TL 20-14 chạy tới quận lỵ Cai Lậy.

====

Ảnh 1: Ô. Nguyễn văn Hội, thế hệ thứ 4 của một điền chủ và một trong những người giàu nhứt ở xã Vĩnh Kim, chăm sóc các cây bonsai của ông năm 1071. Ảnh 2, vi-la lớn của ông Hội, chụp năm 1971, lổ chỗ (pockmark) bởi đạn và mảnh đạn cối. Ảnh 3, lối vào hầm bí mật trong nhà ông Hội. Ông đã che dấu cán bộ CS trong suốt cuộc chiến. Ảnh 4, quận trưởng Sầm Giang đã ám chỉ nhóm các viên chức và thân hào nhân sĩ này là một đàn chó ghẻ (a pack of mangy dogs). Ảnh 5, nhà làng xã Long Hưng** thuộc quận Sầm Giang, quê hương của bà Nguyễn thị Thập và các các cán bộ tiền khởi nghĩa ở Mỹ Tho. Nhà này đc dùng làm BCH của Nam Kỳ Khởi nghĩa 1940. Nhà làng này đc phục chế vào năm 1998. Để tưởng nhớ những chiến sĩ cách mạng đã hy sinh và đc gọi là Nhà Truyền thống. Dịch từ nguồn: The Vietnam War 1930-1975 của David Elliott.

** Theo bản đồ đã dẫn, xã Long Hưng nằm trên TL chạy từ xã Vĩnh Kim đến hương lộ 24-14, và HL này chạy từ QL4 đến TL-2514, và TL này chạy dọc theo sông Mỹ Tho, đi ngang Bình Đức, hậu cứ của trung đoàn 11 sđ 7 bộ binh, tới thị xã Mỹ Tho. Nhà của bà TT VNCH Nguyễn văn Thiệu năm ở giao tiếp giữa TL này LTL 60 chạy từ ngã ba Trung Lương.

Tuesday, May 7, 2024

 Ông Be - chuyện người tù A20 bất khuất 33 năm trước

16 Tháng Sáu 201512:00 SA(Xem: 2606)
Ông Be - chuyện người tù A20 bất khuất 33 năm trước
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Phóng sự của Nhóm Thư Viện Phạm Văn Thành, Vietnam tháng 5/2015




Với những ai đã từng biết những quái ác tàn độc của những trại tù trong hệ thống nhà tù cải tạo dày đặc tại Việt Nam sau biến cố Saigon thất thủ 30 tháng Tư/ 1975…đều không chút ngạc nhiên về cách thế xưng hô bắt buộc do kẻ thắng trận là Việt cộng miền Bắc bày ra giữa tù nhân cải tạo (quân cán chính VNCH) với quản giáo (Việt cộng) ở những trại giam tù cải tạo trên toàn quốc sau tháng Tư đen 1975.

Tù nhân bị buộc phải gọi cán bộ quản giáo bằng cán bộ, hay bằng “ông” [“ông”: ở các trại tù Phú Túc (quận Hiếu Đức nay VC nhập chung vào thành quận Hòa Vang), trại An Điềm (Đại Lộc), trại Sườn Giữa (thuộc trại An Điềm nhưng cao hơn, xa hơn An Điềm và nước độc hơn), trại Tiên Lãnh (quận Tiên Phước)… thuộc vùng ngược miền núi tỉnh Quảng Nam đầy hiểm trở và ma thiêng nước độc), và tự xưng là tôi…dù “ông” đó tuổi chưa đáng tuổi con của những tù nhân VNCH vừa bại trận.

Ông Be, chính là tù nhân chính trị A20 còn rất trẻ, cho tới ngày anh bị tà quyền xử bắn 1982 chỉ mới ba mươi tuổi…………..nhưng sao lại được anh em chiến hữu đang ở tù lẫn bọn cán bộ quản giáo trại tù khét tiếng tàn ác Thung Lũng Tử Thần này gọi bằng ÔNG sau khi bị xử bắn vì vượt ngục???

Vài hàng về xuất thân của Ông Be

Ông Be tức anh Phan Văn Be (theo dòng chữ anh em A20 lập bia mộ ghi nhầm trong các ảnh chụp dưới đây - tháng 5/2015) thực ra chắc chắn họ tên anh chính xác là Phạm văn Be, sinh 1952 tại xã Phước Thạnh, quận Châu Thành, tỉnh Kiến Hòa (ven bờ sông Ba Lai), trước 75 anh là lính trinh sát Trung Đoàn 10 / Sư Đoàn 7 Bộ Binh quân lực Việt Nam Cộng Hòa, đóng tại ngã ba Tháp tỉnh Kiến Hòa (tức Bến Tre theo danh xưng của Việt cộng sau 1975)

Sau khi cộng sản chiếm miền Nam Việt Nam, tại Kiến Hòa có 2 tổ chức kháng cộng phục quốc sớm nhất đó là Mặt Trận (MT) Quốc Gia Liên Kết do anh Nguyễn văn Mười và anh Trần văn Hiếu tức Tám Hiếu (TPX tức đoàn Thanh Niên Phụng Sự Xã Hội do anh Tám Hiếu sáng lập) cầm đầu.

Tổ chức thứ hai là MT Dân Quân Phục Quốc. Năm 1976, anh Be được anh Trương kim Chi móc nối vào MT Dân Quân Phục Quốc và giao trọng trách tổ chức và kiện toàn lực lượng nầy tại tỉnh Bến Tre chuẩn bị cho đại cuộc lật đổ bạo quyền cộng sản.

Hoạt động chưa đầy năm thì MT Dân Quân Phục Quốc bị lộ và anh em bị bắt (1977) gồm nhiều anh trong đó có các anh anh Hiếu và anh Mười bị tử hình cùng ngày mà khác chỗ, anh Be và nhiều anh khác bị xử chung thân. Vụ này, bạo quyền cộng sản xử vội trong các cái gọi là phiên tòa (rừng rú) của chúng vào 1979 và các án tử thi hành trong năm.

Kiên Cường & Vượt ngục Bến Tre


Giáp Tết Mậu Ngọ 1978, anh Lê Ngọc Vàng (*) chỉ huy một cánh quân chuyển về Bái Đầm thuộc xã Giao Thạnh, huyện Thạnh Phú tỉnh Bến Tre, các anh em tù phục quốc đang bị giam trong trại hay tin này nên lên tình thần và quyết tâm tổ chức phá khám.

Khu P5 -phòng 5- tại khám lớn Bến Tre là nơi VC chỉ dùng để nhốt những thành phần có Án Chữ chớ không phải Án Số, tức những thành phần đầu vụ kháng chiến phục quốc có tổ chức và những thành phần được Việt cộng gán cho là “có nợ máu với nhân dân”, tức là mang ý nghĩa nguy hiểm cho chế độ của chúng.

Mồng 2 Tết Mậu Ngọ 1978 anh Be cùng với các anh Phơi (cựu Cảnh Sát Quốc Gia), anh Mười Tây, anh Nhân, anh Hòa rắp tâm phá khám lớn (khám lá) tại thị xã Bến Tre, là nơi các anh vừa bị giam vào sau thất bại 1977.

Cuối năm 1977 qua 1978, anh em tại P5 được các anh em tù đi làm rộng ra bên ngoài, mua và chuyển dần về một số dao mác để làm khí giới, đúng đêm giao thừa cùng nguyện nếu xẻ trái dưa có ruột trắng thì biểu hiện của điềm xui rủi, còn nếu ruột đỏ thì là điềm tốt đẹp, làm việc gì cũng thành công. Giờ giao thừa bổ dưa ra nhằm trái dưa có ruột đỏ, nên anh em lên tinh thần rất cao.
Giây phút khởi sự, anh Lê văn Hòa và anh Rừng cầm dao từ P5 chạy lên cổng trước trại giam –cách chừng 100m, giết chết tên Lấn Giám thị trưởng, đoạt được khẩu K59. Liền đó 2 anh thừa thắng xông ra chỗ tên gác cổng, nhưng không may, anh Rừng bị trúng đạn vỡ bụng chết tại chỗ, anh Hòa nhanh lẹ cầm khẩu K59 xông lên bắn tên gác cổng và bỏ chạy sau thu được khẩu AK 47 của hắn.

Bên trong, anh em nhất loạt vùng lên làm chủ tình thế vừa chiến đấu với bọn cai tù đang còn ngỡ ngàng vì không khí các ngày Tết khiến chúng vẫn còn buông lơi trong việc canh giữ tù.

Trong diễn biến đó, anh Be dũng cảm chiến đấu rất hiên ngang giữa ban ngày và được dân chúng chào đón như các người hùng trở về giải phóng người dân Bến Tre khỏi ách cộng sản sau tháng Tư đen 1975. Trong vụ phá ngục nầy còn có nhiều người hùng sát cánh cùng anh Be.

Anh Be có dáng người nhỏ con, tính tình vui vẻ hòa đồng nhưng rất kiên cường và anh hùng khẳng khái, thời là trinh sát Bộ Binh, anh chỉ là hạ sĩ quan nhưng tinh thần quốc gia rất cao, sau khi miền Nam thất thủ anh cũng giữ nguyên khí khái, không hề chịu khuất phục bạo quyền.

Sau khi giết chết tên Lấn (Giám thị trưởng khám lá Bến Tre), phá kho súng, anh không giết những tên cán bộ trại giam mà bắt chúng giam trở lại vào trong Phòng 5 nơi mà anh và các anh em khác vừa bị nhốt mới đây. Chủ ý của anh Be là tấn công địch nhằm mục đích sống còn và chiến thắng chớ không chịu rút lui và đầu hàng.

Trong một trận quyết chiến với 1 tốp công an VC (dưới quyền chỉ huy của Trần văn Chiến tức Hai Chiến lúc ấy là trưởng ty công an Bến Tre) mấy ngày sau, anh Be bị bể một cánh vai và bị VC bắt sống.

Viên đạn thù bắn trúng bả vai khiến anh bị vỡ một bên vai và sau lần ấy, anh Be và đồng đội bị bắt lại tại ngã tư Phú Khương, mang án chung thân với viên đạn thù vẫn còn nằm nguyên trong vai, máu mủ vẫn còn rỉ chảy cho tới ngày bị đưa ra A20.

Sau chuyến phá ngục ấy, anh và đồng đội bị VC xử án chung thân năm 1980 ở Bến Tre và đến 1982 bị chuyển thẳng từ Bến Tre ra A20 Xuân Phước Phú Yên cùng với vụ của anh Mười và Hiếu tức MT Quốc Gia Liên Kết .

Vượt ngục ở A20


Nhóm vượt ngục lần nầy toàn là người của tỉnh Bến Tre cùng vụ anh Be, vừa mới chuyển ra A20 là anh em đã mau chóng toan tính tổ chức vượt ngục liền, vì tinh thần nầy các anh đã được hun đúc từ thời P5 của nhà giam tỉnh Bến Tre 2 năm trước, trong vụ nầy còn có Thiếu Úy Hải Quân VNCH Nguyễn văn Hiệp, vì kháng cự nên bị VC bắn chết tại chỗ, việc này lấp trong loạt diễn biến đầy sôi động và kiên cường của thuở đó nên ngày nay ít ai còn nhớ tớ, nhắc tới. Trước 1975, Thiếu Úy Hiệp bị thương một bên mắt khi giao tranh với cộng quân.

Trong nhóm vượt ngục từ Bến Tre, có Lê văn Hòa vốn được anh Lê Ngọc Vàng là người đỡ đầu cho (nghi thức rửa tội do Linh Mục Phạm hoàng Điềm thực hiện ngay trong nhà tù), và các anh đã hạ quyết tâm dù có bị đưa đi giam ở bất cứ nơi đâu cũng phải vượt ngục chứ không chịu thủ phận chờ ngày thả.

1982, lúc anh em Bến Tre vừa mới chuyển ra nên khi còn bị nhốt chung phòng, chính Triệu là người nhắc lại lời đồng tâm đã nguyện và khởi xướng lại quyết tâm vượt ngục, còn Hiệp đóng góp và phân tích, Tây –Nguyễn phương Tây, là Trung Úy địa phương quân QLVNCH- quyết định cưa song sắt. Lúc ấy, các anh đã cùng nhận định lợi dụng lúc mới chuyển ra này, nhà trại không kịp để ý thì tổ chức vượt ngục sẽ dễ dàng hơn bởi anh em e rằng sau khi ổn định tù nhân thì nhà trại có thể tổ chức lại và phân anh em ra tứ tán thì việc cùng chung lưng đâu cật rắp tâm vượt ngục sẽ khó hơn nhiều. Đây là việc cấp bách và hệ trọng bởi anh em ai cũng ý thức rằng, VC cực kỳ tàn ác, nếu chuyện vượt ngục bất thành thì coi như cầm chắc cái chết thảm khốc dưới bàn tay của lũ quỷ đỏ vô thần mất hết nhân tính.

Nhân lúc ấy Lê văn Hòa được nhà trại phân công trực sinh đã cùng các anh em khác (cũng từ Bến Tre ra) âm thầm cưa song sắt. Khi đã phá được song sắt, anh em lợi dụng lúc nhà trại tổ chức bữa văn nghệ ngày Xuân, đã đồng loạt vượt ra. Hòa đi thoát.

Anh Be, Triệu, Hiệp đều vượt rào thoát ra được khỏi trại, nhưng do vì toàn là những người sống quen với vùng đồng bằng sông nước Nam phần nên khi gặp rừng núi hiểm trở, lạ địa hình lại không thông thạo vì chưa ở đây lâu… cho nên các anh không biết đường đi thoát. Cả tuần lễ các anh cứ lẩn quẩn ở vùng núi gần quanh trại A20 chứ không đi xa được, phần vì bị đói nhiều ngày nên việc dò đường thoát đi của các anh thập phần khó khăn…

Cũng nên biết thời đó (7 năm sau khi miền Nam thất thủ) toàn quốc lâm vào cảnh đói kém chưa từng thấy do chính sách kinh tế Sô Viết quái đản ngăn sông cấm chợ mà tập đoàn cộng sản Hà Nội bê nguyên xi về Việt Nam áp dụng…đã khiến người dân sống quanh vùng Xuân Phước vốn đã nghèo nàn lạc hậu nay còn nghèo khổ hơn bội phần. Chỉ cần bọn quản giáo trại tù hứa cho 1 chiếc áo, quần hay 1 tấm chăn đắp thôi chứ chưa cần đem thực phẩm gạo thóc ra dụ, là họ cũng sẵn sàng hè nhau đi truy tìm tù nhân vượt ngục đem về nộp để lãnh thưởng.

Khi bị phát hiện thì Hiệp bị bắn chết, Be, Triệu, Phương Tây bị bắt trở lại. Anh Tây trước đây bị kêu án 20 năm thì nay bị xử lên chung thân, Triệu 20 năm lên chung thân, anh Be trước đây chung thân nay lên tử hình.

Theo anh Lê Ngọc Vàng, năm 1990 khi anh bị chuyển ra A20 (từ trại tù Z30A Xuân Lộc) thì có gặp anh Triệu. Triệu có chỉ cho anh Vàng những cụm núi nằm trong vùng núi chung quanh trại A20 là nơi mà các anh cứ bị lẩn quẩn cả tuần mà không đi thoát được 8 năm trước. Triệu nhìn nhận chung thất bại nầy phần lớn do Triệu, bởi Triệu trước đây còn là học sinh, nhỏ tuổi, không kịp thích nghi với gian khổ cũng như không có kinh nghiệm địa hình địa vật… Triệu vốn là học trò của một người bạn (chung vụ với) anh Vàng ở huyện Ba Tri, Bến Tre 1977 (tức vụ Mặt Trận Dân Tộc Tự Quyết, bị bắt 1978, ra tòa 1982)

Thời các tổ chức kháng chiến phục quốc vùng Kiến Hòa (Bến Tre) còn có các anh hùng Lê văn Bé, Trần thị Bạch Phượng, ở Long An còn có anh hùng Nguyễn văn Te....thuộc MT Dân Tộc Tự Quyết, chúng tôi hy vọng sẽ dần bổ túc và tái hiện lại đầy đủ hình ảnh, nhân dáng của những lớp người tiền phong anh hùng này.

Ông Be

Anh Be là người trai rất hiền lành, khiêm tốn, khi nói hay cười, dáng nhỏ con với cặp mắt mí lót, da ngăm ngăm chứng tỏ con người rất lì lợm, gan dạ, anh chưa có gia đình, nhà nghèo và đơn chiếc, với tính tình dễ thương như thế, không ai có thể ghét anh được.

Theo những ký ức chưa phai mờ trong những người anh em cựu tù chính trị A20 đang còn ở trong nước cũng như đã vượt thoát ra hải ngoại thì anh Be sau khi bị bắt lại đã bị bọn cai tù VC ở A20 đánh đập dã man bởi tính khi can cường không chịu khất phục kẻ thù của anh. Chúng rất hèn hạ, đã ỷ thế lại còn dùng số đông đánh đập hành hạ một người tù thất thế. Khoảng 1 tuần sau chúng đem anh Be ra xử vội trong một “phiên tòa” ngay tại trại A20. Theo nhiều anh em thuở ấy cho biết, anh Be không thể có mặt vì gần như đã bất tỉnh bởi sự đánh đập, bỏ đói nhịn khát suốt mấy ngày hung hiểm đó, anh Be hầu như đã đi vào cõi hôn mê.

Án chúng hô xong là đem anh ra bắn ở cây me to mé trái lối mòn đi vào lô 17 (cây me này nay đã không còn sau hơn 30 năm…) vào một ngày tháng 2/ 1982. Các anh A20 cũng không quên chi tiết khi chúng bắn anh Be xong, bạn tù khiêng anh đi tẩm liệm và mai táng còn thấy rõ những vết đạn thủng trước ngực anh chẳng có rỉ máu ra bao nhiêu…như thể bọn cai tù đã hành hạ anh Be đến “hết máu” trong cơ thể!

Anh Be được chôn tại một khoảnh đất nhỏ ở chân đồi cách chỗ xử bắn chừng hơn 200 met. Mộ anh được đặt nông vội tạm ở kế một lạch nước nhỏ tuôn chảy xuống từ trên phía cao của ngọn đồi này, quanh đấy có rất nhiều hòn đá non vàng nhạt nhỏ to vô định hình do đó ngày ngày anh em bạn tù đi làm ngang qua lúc đi cũng như lúc về, chẳng ai bảo ai đều tự nguyện tìm một hòn đá quanh đấy mà đắp lên mộ. Vì các anh em tù A20 e rằng nếu không được đắp đá dần lên như thế thì theo thời gian tàn phá cộng với lạch nước chảy như thế sẽ khiến mộ anh Be rất dễ bị xói lở dẫn đến mất dấu hẳn. Chính nhờ việc làm có ý thức này lâu ngày thành một tập quán mà mộ anh Be mới còn có thể tồn tại đến ngày nay tuy tháng 5/ 2015 này khi chúng tôi đến cúng viếng anh, thì thấy phần nấm đất trên mộ cũng như sụt thấp xuống chứ không cao nhiều như thời 20 năm trước trong trí nhớ của các bạn tù A20.

Ngôi mộ thiêng của người anh hùng













Ngôi mộ thiêng anh Be nay ngập trong cỏ - tháng 5/2015

Cũng theo anh em A20, sau khi chết đi, anh Be rất thiêng.

Rất nhiều tên quản giáo VC ngang ngạnh vô thần chẳng coi Trời Phật ra gì mà khi ngang qua mộ anh (trong những lần dẫn tù đi làm), chúng cũng tự nguyện tìm một hòn đá đắp lên mộ như bao nhiêu anh em bạn tù khác của anh Be. Sau này có tên tự kể lại rằng chúng đã từng bị anh “phạt” nặng tới nỗi chúng đã rất khiếp sợ mỗi khi đi ngang qua đây, và phải noi gương các anh em tù đắp đá lên mộ thì mới được yên thân.

Cựu A20 Phạm Văn Thành nhớ lại...: “năm 1994, tôi có lần được cho ra đội 12 tát ao bắt cá cho giám thị đem bán. Anh Phan văn Bàn chỉ về hướng một cây lớn, bảo "Mộ anh Be ở đấy! Rất linh! Công an, Cán bộ... đều né không muốn đi qua ...".

Buổi chiều tôi cố nài nỉ người sĩ quan võ trang canh tù nhưng bất thành. Y ta nói "ở đây có ngôi mộ lớn và đẹp, xây bằng đá ong ... của một vị lãnh tụ Phong Trào Cần Vương, anh có đến đấy thì đưọc, nhưng anh Be thì không ..." .
Tôi đã đến ngôi mộ của vị lãnh tụ Cần Vương ấy để đưọc nhìn gần hơn về mộ anh Be! Chỉ thấy bạt ngàn cỏ và cỏ ...”


Với anh em bạn tù thì mỗi khi ai bị đi lạc trong núi, cứ việc khấn nguyện “Ông Be” là y như rằng sẽ tìm được lối ra.

Kể từ tiếng linh thiêng của Ông Be, ngay cả bọn cai tù cũng phải gọi anh bằng Ông Be chứ nếu chỉ cần bọn chúng thất kính khi nói tới anh thì sẽ bị anh “phạt” nặng.

Từ sợ hãi dần dần chuyển sang mê tín. Chẳng ai ngờ bọn người tàn ác vô luân vô thần cộng sản, lại rất tin vào một linh hồn bị chúng giết chết oan uổng là anh Be…sẽ phù hộ cho chúng trúng vé số hay trúng số đề!!! Bọn quản giáo rất thường hay ra mộ anh nhang khói và cầu xin số đề khởi từ đó!

Thăm Mộ anh Be


Vào một ngày hè tháng 5/ 2015 nắng như đổ lửa ở cái vùng Phú Yên này, chúng tôi trực chỉ Xuân Phước sau khi ghé chợ Phước Lộc sắm sửa vài thức đơn sơ như nhang trầm, hoa, rượu và trái cây mang lên cúng mộ anh Be.
Chúng tôi chọn ngày Chủ Nhật để tránh mọi sự gặp gỡ ngoài ý muốn.











3km sau khi đi từ Chí Thạnh trực chỉ La Hai, đây là ngã ba Phụng Niên, cón cách La Hai 10km












Từ chợ Phước Lộc đi lên Xuân Phước












còn 6km












Ngã Ba đi A20...lên Kỳ Lộ (rẽ phải)

Cách đây chừng hơn 4 tháng, chúng tôi cũng đã có viếng chớp nhoáng mộ anh Be dịp cận Tết Ất Mùi 2015.

Tuy mộ anh Be nay đã biến dạng khá nhiều so với bao năm qua nhưng vì mới đi thăm nên chúng tôi nhớ chỗ dừng thật chính xác, nếu không từng đi 4 tháng trước thì nay thật khó mà tìm ra vì cảnh vật đã đổi thay quá nhiều so với những mô tả của các anh cựu A20.











nếu theo con đường đất mà đi thẳng quá điểm "4" thì sẽ vào phân trại B khi xưa (nay bọn chúng đã dẹp bỏ B - C - D để làm một thủy điện nhỏ khoảng sau năm 2000)


Mộ anh Be không người chăm sóc cho nên cỏ mọc lút đầu rất khó nhìn thấy. Cái lạch nước nhỏ khi xưa nay đã không còn, chỉ nghe người địa phương nói lại rằng vào mùa mưa chính thức thì chỗ lạch nước ấy vẫn còn nước chảy xuống từ trên đồi cao nhưng mạch nước yếu và rất chóng khan khi mùa mưa dứt.

Khi đi hết khúc quanh ven theo ngọn đồi (trong ảnh có mũi tên xanh bên trên) thì tới mộ. Lần này chúng tôi khá ngạc nhiên khi thấy có 1 ngôi mộ đắp nấm đất sơ sài không bia nằm kế mộ anh Be… Vì mua theo 3 bó hoa nên chúng tôi mang qua “hàng xóm” 1 bó và thắp nhang cho bên đó nữa.

Sở dĩ chúng tôi ngạc nhiên vì lần thăm mộ anh Be trước Tết Ất Mùi vừa rồi chúng tôi chưa thấy có ngôi mộ này. Sau cuộc Nổi Dậy lừng tiếng hồi tháng 10/1994 của hàng trăm tù chính trị A20, tà quyền Hanoi đã vội vã dời hết tù chính trị ra Đầm Đùn Thanh Hóa. Từ đó tới giờ, A20 chỉ là trại tù hình sự nên có lẽ đây là nơi an nghỉ của 1 tù nhân hình sự xấu số mới vừa tạ thế.

Trên đường đi vào mộ, chúng tôi có gặp 1, 2 tù nhân (mặc bộ đồ sọc tù) chăn bò đi tha thẩn trên lối đường đất lên lô 17 này.

Giữa khung cảnh núi đồi nắng cháy hoang sơ cỏ lá của Thung Lũng Tử Thần…chúng tôi như quên đi cái nắng như thiêu hơn 400C khắc nghiệt ngoài trời, để chỉ còn nghe nỗi tràn dâng xúc động từ tim mình, chúng tôi như thấy rõ nét người tù Phạm Văn Be anh dũng ngày nào, dễ mến nhưng kiên cường vượt ngục chứ không chịu tù đày trong vòng giam nghiệt ác của giặc cộng.
Trong ban trưa lặng lẽ, anh em chúng tôi người cắm hoa vào bình, người rót rượu ra ly, người thắp nhang, người bày dăm quả trái cây đơn sơ ra dĩa để thực hiện nghi lễ thiêng liêng trước phần mộ anh Be.














Phần Mộ: Phan Văn Be / Năm Sinh 1952 / Sinh Quán: Bến Tre / Tử: tháng 2 – 1982 (không rõ ngày) / Lập Bia: T V A20



Trong tâm cảnh thiêng liêng rợn người giữa một bên là Thung Lũng Tử Thần, một bên là mộ anh Be, chúng tôi đã đồng lòng khấn như sau:

“Kính anh Be

Hôm nay anh em chúng tôi có chút lòng thành đến kính viếng hương hồn anh, cầu mong anh chóng siêu thoát về miền tịnh độ, cầu anh sống khôn thác thiêng xin anh phù trì ủng hộ cho quốc thái dân an, đất nước sớm thoát ách bạo tàn cộng sản, cầu anh phù hộ cho công cuộc của anh em quốc gia đang trực diện đấu tranh gạt bỏ bạo quyền…được an toàn, hanh thông và mau chóng dễ dàng thành tựu mọi sự.

Xin hồn anh linh thiêng về hỗ trợ cho anh em Nhóm Cựu Tù A20 gặp được nhiều thuận lợi và đồng tình của đồng bào còn tha thiết với tiền đồ của quê hương xứ sở…

Khi đại cuộc viên thành, Chúng tôi nguyện sẽ dựng lại ngôi mộ anh thành một nơi trang nghiêm kỳ vỹ để vừa làm nơi chiêm bái cho các lớp hậu duệ mai hậu, vừa làm một chứng tích trước công luận về sự tà mỵ, độc ác của bạo quyền cộng sản Hà Nội bán nước hại dân”

Sau nghi thức tưởng niệm và khấn nguyện anh Be như trên, chúng tôi quay về mà lòng ngậm ngùi khôn nguôi trong cái nắng cháy nung người giữa hè 2015 miền trung Vietnam.

Nhóm Thư Viện Phạm Văn Thành, Vietnam tháng 5/2015