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Tuesday, May 20, 2025

 

DIEN BIEN PHU

DIEN BIEN PHU

Dien Bien Phu, a garrison set up 350 kilometers from Hanoi in a remote valley near Laos border, was the site of one of the most important battles of the 20th century. In late 1953, the French established a stronghold here, manned by 13,000 Vietnamese and North African colonial troops as well as the French Army’s top troops and its elite Foreign Legion—all of which were routed by the Viet Minh, sending the French packing from Southeast Asia. A great inspiration to the nations of the Third World, the battle at Dien Bien Phu showed that a determined peasant army could bring a major colonial power to its knees.

Situated in a narrow valley among the jungle hills, Dien Bien Phu was a town in the northwest highlands Vietnam with an isolated air base built and used by the Japanese in World War Two. The government of Laos was under the control of the French though the Viet Minh had successfully infiltrated much of Laos. In 1953, the French General Henri Navarre was made commander of the French forces in Indochina and given mission of figuring out a face-saving way to get the French out of Vietnam. His plan was to establish a base in the middle of Viet Minh territory and use it as bait to draw the enemy out from their cowardly mountain positions and defeat them with superior Western military tactics.

Vietnam’s legendary general Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap is best remembered for leading Vietnamese forces to victory over the French at Dien Bien Phu in 1954. His Chinese advisers told him to strike elite French forces fast and hard, but Giap changed plans at the last minute and ordered his jungle troops, clad in sandals made of old car tires, to besiege the French army. The French were defeated after 56 days, and the unlikely victory led not only to Vietnam's independence, but hastened the collapse of colonialism across Indochina and beyond.

In 1952, the French had set up a fortified camp at Na San that was supplied from the air. That battle yielded positive results. Giap had ordered frontal assaults on the base on the camp and lost many men and had to withdraw. Navarre wanted to repeat this at Dien Bien Phu. But there were a number of key differences between Na Sa and Dien Bien Phu. At Na San, the French had the advantage of height over the Viet Minh and their artillery could pinpoint Giap’s forces with devastating results. Another disadvantage of Dien Bien Phu was that it was at the very limit of aerial supply. The Viet Minh placed a large number of anti-aircraft guns around the area, making it difficult for the French to resupply their men. Senior commanders in the French Union Forces objected to the plan, arguing it was too dangerous and doomed to defeat. [Sources: Library of Congress, HistoryLearningSite.co ]

In his book "The Last Valley: Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam" by British military historian Martin Windrow wrote: The French saw Dien Bien Phu as ''a carefully designed killing ground where they could destroy the enemy as he at last came out to fight them." The Viet Minh commander Vo Nguyen Giap had originally held ''deeply rooted misgivings" about committing his elusive guerrilla forces to a frontal assault on a heavily fortified position, but a victory would be a political advantage for the Viet Minh during negotiations in Geneva to settle the Vietnam conflict.

The battle at Dien Bien Phu was the climax of the French Indochinese War. Both the French and the Viet Minh suffered horrendous losses during the protracted siege and weeks of brutal combat. The defeats at Dien Bien Phu and in the winter-spring campaign compelled the French government to sue for peace. A vivid contemporary account of the battle was offered by French historian and journalist Bernard Fall under the title ''Hell in a Very Small Place."

See Places

Book: "The Last Valley: Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam" by Martin Windrow (DaCapo, 2005). Bernard B. Fall was a prominent war correspondent, historian, political scientist, and expert on Indochina during the 1950s and 1960s. “Hell in a Very Small Place” is Fall’s classic account of the Siege of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. “Street Without Joy” is Fall’s account of the French War in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.

Prelude to Dien Bien Phu

With Beijing's promise of limited assistance to Hanoi, the communist military strategy concentrated on the liberation of Tonkin and consigned Cochinchina to a lower priority. The top military priority, as set by Giap, was to free the northern border areas in order to protect the movement of supplies and personnel from China. By autumn of 1950, the Viet Minh had again liberated the Viet Bac in decisive battles that forced the French to evacuate the entire border region, leaving behind a large quantity of ammunition. From their liberated zone in the northern border area, the Viet Minh were free to make raids into the Red River Delta. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The French military in Vietnam found it increasingly difficult to convince Paris and the French electorate to give them the manpower and materiel needed to defeat the Viet Minh. For the next two years, the Viet Minh, well aware of the growing disillusionment of the French people with Indochina, concentrated its efforts on wearing down the French military by attacking its weakest outposts and by maximizing the physical distance between engagements to disperse French forces. Being able to choose the time and place for such engagements gave the guerrillas a decided advantage. Meanwhile, political activity was increased until, by late 1952, more than half the villages of the Red River Delta were under Viet Minh control. *

After eight years of fighting, the Viet Minh controlled much of Vietnam and neighbouring Laos. Before Dien Bien Phu the Vietnamese command launched the winter-spring campaign of 1953-1954. As had been foreseen, the fierce assaults launched by the enemy into the areas at Lang Son and Ninh Binh brought poor results, and the French forces soon withdrew after sustaining heavy losses. Throughout the 1953-1954 winter-spring campaign, fighting was fierce on all fronts. [Source: Vietnamtourism. com, Vietnam National Administration of Tourism ~]

The newly appointed commander of French forces in Vietnam, General Henri Navarre, decided soon after his arrival in Vietnam that it was essential to halt a Viet Minh offensive underway in neighboring Laos. To do so, Navarre believed it was necessary for the French to capture and hold the town of Dien Bien Phu, sixteen kilometers from the Laotian border. For the Viet Minh, control of Dien Bien Phu was an important link in the supply route from China. In November 1953, the French occupied the town with paratroop battalions and began reinforcing it with units from the French military post at nearby Lai Chau. *

During that same month, Ho indicated that the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was willing to examine French proposals for a diplomatic settlement announced the month before. In February 1954, a peace conference to settle the Korean and Indochinese conflicts was set for April in Geneva, and negotiations in Indochina were scheduled to begin on May 8. Viet Minh strategists, led by Giap, concluded that a successful attack on a French fortified camp, timed to coincide with the peace talks, would give Hanoi the necessary leverage for a successful conclusion of the negotiations. *

Dien Bien Phu, a Way to Break the Stalemate of the French Indochina War?

The famous French journalist and historian Bernard B. Fall wrote: The "totally stalemated situation required the French to create a military situation that would permit cease-fire negotiations on a basis of equality with the enemy. To achieve this, the French commander in chief, General Henri Navarre, had to win a victory over the hard core of Communist regular divisions, whose continued existence posed a constant threat of invasion to the Laotian kingdom and to the vital Red River Delta with its capital city of Hanoi and the thriving port of Haiphong. And to destroy those divisions and prevent their invasions into Laos, one had to, in American military parlance, find 'em and fix 'em. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

"General Navarre felt that the way to achieve this was by offering the Communists a target sufficiently tempting for their regular divisions to pounce at, but sufficiently strong to resist the onslaught once it came. That was the rationale for the creation of a garrison at Dien Bien Phu and for the battle that took place there. There were other considerations also. Laos had signed a treaty with France in which the latter promised to defend it. Dien Bien Phu was to be the lock on the back door leading into Laos. Dien Bien Phu was also to be the test for a new theory of Navarre's. Rather than defend immobile lines, he wanted to create throughout Indochina land-air bases from which highly mobile units would sally forth and decimate the enemy in his own rear areas, just as the Viet Minh guerrillas were doing in French rear areas. All of that rode on Dien Bien Phu: the freedom of Laos, a senior commander's reputation, the survival of some of France's best troops and — above all — a last chance to come out of that frustrating eight-year-long jungle war with something other than a total defeat. //\

"But Navarre, an armor officer formed on the European battlefields, apparently (this was the judgment of the French government committee that later investigated the disaster) had failed to realize that there are no blocking positions in [a] country lacking European-type roads. Since the Viet Minh relied largely on human porters for their frontline units, they could easily bypass such bottlenecks as Dien Bien Phu or the Plain of Jars while bottling up the forces contained in those strongholds." //\

French Arrive at Dien Bien Phu

On November 20th 1953, the first French troops arrived at Dien Bien Phu, lightly defended by Viet Minh forces. Within three days, there were 9,000 French and allied troops there. By the end of the month, there were six parachute battalions in Dien Bien Phu and their initial firefights against the Viet Minh were successful enough to give the French confidence to set up seven strong points around Dien Bien Phu with his headquarters in the centre of these. [Sources: Library of Congress, HistoryLearningSite.co \\]

One of the goals of the goals of the mission was to block an anticipated move on the Laotian capital of Luang Prabang by the Viet Minh. The French either received faulty intelligence data or ignored data they received. Almost immediately after they arrived, they were surrounded by 22 Viet Minh infantry battalions and six artillery regiments led by General Vo Nguyen Giap. \\ Michael Kenney wrote in the The Boston Globe: "After clearing a landing strip, a French-led force that would eventually number some 15,000 established a base camp with fortified positions, or strongpoints, on the surrounding hills. Meanwhile, the Viet Minh assembled a force of some 22,000 soldiers plus some 30,000 support troops, manhandling howitzers and mortars through the jungles and emplacing them in the hills beyond the French positions. [Source: Michael Kenney - The Boston Globe - January 4, 2005]

The French were very isolated. They were many kilometers from any friendly land base and the planes that supplied them were vulnerable to attack. On top of that Dien Bien Phu was surrounded by rain forests and jungles that were controlled by the Viet Minh. Five Viet Minh divisions (50,000 men) surrounded the French. Viet Minh artillery, based in the jungle, was virtually invisible and fired on the French for the first time in January 1954. Dien Bien Phu was at the bottom of a valley surrounded by hills controlled by the Viet Minh, armed with well-du-in and well-camouflaged artillery. When the battle at Dien Bien Phu began, the French artillery commander committed suicide as a result of his inability to hit Viet Minh positions. \\

Challenges for the French at Dien Bien Phu

Bernard B. Fall wrote: "Soon after French forces arrived at Dien Bien Phu on November 20, 1953, two of General Vo Nguyen Giap's regular 10,000-man divisions blocked the Dien Bien Phu garrison, while a third bypassed Dien Bien Phu and smashed deep into Laos. On Christmas Day 1953, Indochina, for the first time in the eight-year war, was literally cut in two. The offensive stabs for which Dien Bien Phu had been specifically planned became little else but desperate sorties against an invisible enemy. By the time the battle started in earnest on March 13, 1954, the garrison already had suffered 1,037 casualties without any tangible result. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

"Inside the fortress, the charming tribal village by the Nam Yum River had soon disappeared along with all the bushes and trees in the valley, to be used either as firewood or as construction materials for the bunkers. Even the residence of the French governor was dismantled in order to make use of the bricks, for engineering materials were desperately short from the beginning. Major André Sudrat, the chief engineer at Dien Bien Phu, was faced with a problem that he knew to be mathematically unsolvable. By normal military engineering standards, the materials necessary to protect a battalion against the fire of the 105mm howitzers the Viet Minh now possessed amounted to 2,550 tons, plus 500 tons of barbed wire. He estimated that to protect the 12 battalions there initially (five others were parachuted in during the battle), he would need 36,000 tons of engineering materials — which would mean using all available transport aircraft for a period of five months. When he was told that he was allocated a total of about 3,300 tons of airlifted materials, Sudrat simply shrugged his shoulders. In that case, I'll fortify the command post, the signal center, and the X-ray room in the hospital; and let's hope that the Viet has no artillery. //\

"As it turned out, the Viet Minh had more than 200 artillery pieces, reinforced during the last week of the siege by Russian Katyusha multiple rocket launchers. Soon the combination of monsoon rains, which set in around mid-April, and Viet Minh artillery fire smashed to rubble the neatly arranged dugouts and trenches shown to eminent visitors and journalists during the early days of the siege. Essentially, the battle of Dien Bien Phu degenerated into a brutal artillery duel, which the enemy would have won sooner or later. The French gun crews and artillery pieces, working entirely in the open so as to allow the pieces all-around fields of fire, were destroyed one by one; replaced, they were destroyed once more, and at last fell silent.

Early Fighting at Dien Bien Phu

The siege of Dien Bien Phu began on March 13, At that time the Viet Minh had concentrated nearly 50,000 regular troops, 55,000 support troops, and almost 100,000 transport workers in the area. Chinese aid, consisting mainly of ammunition, petroleum, and some large artillery pieces carried a distance of 350 kilometers from the Chinese border, reached 1,500 tons per month by early 1954. [Sources: Library of Congress, HistoryLearningSite.co \\]

A massive artillery onslaught was launched on March 13th against one of the French strongholds. By the following day the Viet Minh had taken it. Also on March 14th, the airstrip was so badly damaged by Viet Minh artillery that no plane could land. After that all supplies to the French at Dien Bien Phu had to be dropped by parachute. Another of the French strongholds fell when T’ai troops, previously loyal to the French, deserted. \\

Taking note the increasing accuracy and number of ranging shots from Viet Minh artillery and the web of assault trenches, the aristocratic French commander Christian de Castries, told his senior officers at a briefing on the evening of March 12: ''Gentlemen, it's tomorrow, at 5 p.m." as that time approached observers in the strongpoints said the hillsides themselves seemed alive as Viet Minh battalions moved toward the French positions. And as ''the [Foreign Legion] mortarmen adjusted their sights, the world went mad" as ''the full weight of General Giap's artillery fell on Dien Bien Phu for the first time."

The effect, the British military historian Martin Windrow wrote in his book"The Last Valley: Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam" was "stunning, both physically and psychologically." After 7 p.m. at the ''Batrice" strongpoint: ''Viet Minh shells fell murderously around the battery positions, and the [command post] of Lieutenant Lyot's 5th Battery was knocked out. At 6th Battery, Lieutenant Jean-Marie Moreau saw a fireball rise from his No. 3 pit, from which a blood-boltered African NCO staggered, roaring with pain: two shells had fallen right on the 105 [howitzer], destroying it, decapitating Sergeant Chief Scarpellini, killing one other man and wounding the rest of the crew." Wave after wave of assaults continued into the night. Then, sometime after 10 p.m., a captain radioed from Batrice ''the final message that every artilleryman hopes he will never hear: 'It's all over -- the Viets are here. Fire upon my position. Out.' " By dawn, both Batrice and its companion strongpoint Gabrielle —both said to be named for de Castries's mistresses — had fallen.

Artillery Battle at Dien Bien Phu

Bernard B. Fall wrote: "The artillery duel became the great tragedy of the battle. Colonel Charles Piroth, the jovial one-armed commander of the French artillery inside the fortress, had guaranteed that his 24 105mm light howitzers could match anything the Communists had, and that his battery of four 155mm medium field howitzers would definitely muzzle whatever would not be destroyed by the lighter pieces and the fighter-bombers. As it turned out, the Viet Minh artillery was so superbly camouflaged that to this day it is doubtful whether French counterbattery fire silenced more than a handful of the enemy's fieldpieces. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

"When, on March 13, 1954, at 5:10 p.m., Communist artillery smothered strongpoint Beatrice without noticeable damage from French counterbattery fire, Piroth knew the fortress was doomed. And as deputy to General de Castries, he felt he had contributed to the air of overconfidence that had prevailed in the valley prior to the attack. (Had not de Castries, in the manner of his ducal forebears, sent a written challenge to enemy commander Giap?) I am responsible. I am responsible, he was heard to murmur as he went about his duties. During the night of March 14-15, he committed suicide by blowing himself up with a hand grenade, since he could not charge his pistol with one hand. //\

"Originally, the fortress had been designed to protect its main airstrip against marauding Viet Minh units, not to withstand the onslaught of four Communist divisions. There never was, as press maps of the time erroneously showed, a continuous battle line covering the whole valley. Four of the eight strongpoints were from one to three miles away from the center of the position. The interlocking fire of their artillery and mortars, supplemented by a squadron of 10 tanks (flown in piecemeal and reassembled on the spot), was to prevent them from being picked off one by one. //\

"This also proved to be an illusion. General Vo Nguyen Giap decided to take Dien Bien Phu by an extremely efficient mixture of 19th-century siege techniques (sinking TNT-laden mineshafts under French bunkers, for example) and modern artillery patterns plus human-wave attacks. The outlying posts, which protected the key airfield, were captured within the first few days of the battle. French losses proved so great that the reinforcements parachuted in after the airfield was destroyed for good on March 27 never sufficed to mount the counterattacks necessary to reconquer the outposts. From then onward the struggle for Dien Bien Phu became a battle of attrition. The garrison's only hope lay in the breakthrough of a relief column from Laos or Hanoi (a hopeless concept in view of the terrain and distances involved) or in the destruction of the siege force through massive aerial bombardment. For a time, a U.S. Air Force strike was considered, but the idea was dropped." //\

Dien Bien Phu Air Drops

Bernard B. Fall wrote: "Like Stalingrad, Dien Bien Phu slowly starved on its airlift tonnage. When the siege began, it had about eight days' worth of supplies on hand but required 200 tons a day to maintain minimum levels. The sheer magnitude of preparing that mass of supplies for parachuting was solved only by superhuman feats of the airborne supply units on the outside — efforts more than matched by the heroism of the soldiers inside the valley, who had to crawl into the open, under fire, to collect the containers. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

"But as the position shrank every day (it finally was the size of a ballpark), the bulk of the supplies fell into Communist hands. Even de Castries' new general's stars, dropped to him by General Cogny with a bottle of champagne, landed in enemy territory. The airdrops were a harrowing experience in that narrow valley, which permitted only straight approaches. Communist anti-aircraft artillery played havoc among the lumbering transport planes as they slowly disgorged their loads. A few figures tell how murderous the air war around Dien Bien Phu was: Of the 420 aircraft available in all of Indochina then, 62 were lost in connection with Dien Bien Phu and 167 sustained hits. Some of the American civilian pilots who flew the run said that Viet Minh flak was as dense as anything encountered during World War II over the Ruhr River. When the battle ended, the 82,926 parachutes expended in supplying the fortress covered the battlefield like freshly fallen snow — or like a burial shroud. //\

Later Fighting at Dien Bien Phu

After human wave assaults failed, the Viet Minh began pounding French positions with 105-mm artillery pieces and anti-aircraft guns that had been lugged through mountains, rainforests and rivers. The Viet Minh artillery had the high ground and was well camouflaged and efforts by the French units, a third of which were of ethnic Vietnamese, were unsuccessful. The Viet Minh, aided by Chinese artillery, tightened their grip by employing trenches and tunnels to get closer to the French. \\

By late March, the Viet Minh completed their encirclement of Dien Bien Phu. The French launched a number of counter-attacks in late March but these were invariably met with strong Viet Minh counter-attacks. The French garrison of 15,000, which depended on supply by air, was cut off by March 27, when the Viet Minh artillery succeeded in making the airfield unusable. An elaborate system of tunnels dug in the mountainsides enabled the Viet Minh to protect its artillery pieces by continually moving them to prevent discovery. Several hundred kilometers of trenches permitted the attackers to move progressively closer to the French encampment. \\

On April 5th, a combined French fighter-bomber and artillery attack on Viet Minh soldiers caught in the open caused heavy casualties. This led to Giap to be more cautious and patient. The battle became one of attrition. The Viet Minh advanced slowly and usually countered any French attack. By April 22nd, the Viet Minh controlled most of the airfield, making parachute drops impossible. \\

The base at Dien Bien Phu found itself, within a steadily shrinking perimeter and under constant artillery bombardment. Its defenders called it the ''la cuvette" (the toilet bowl).

Stepping on Dead Bodies at Dien Bien Phu and a Plea for American Help

Bernard B. Fall wrote in the New York Times magazine: On the top of a hill on March 15, 1954, M. Sgt. Bensalem Abderrhaman "had spent his last ammunition and the small-boned but tough North Vietnamese regulars...were now all around him in their green fatigues."

"They wore short quilted jackets to protect them against the morning cold of the mountains and palm-leaf pith helmets covered with camouflage netting in which they had stuck leaves and branches from the surrounding foliage, rubber soled sneakers with broad cleats, and cheap-looking, thin web belts and pouches in which they carried spare ammunition, grenades and perhaps a fist-sized ball of cooked rice as an emergency ration."

"Beyond Sgt. Abderrhaman's trench there were perhaps 800 more of them—dead or dying, where French machine guns and artillery had mowed them down. A Communist officer...ordered the sergeant and his remaining squad in good French to get moving northward across the barbed wire to the rear of the Communist position. 'How do you want us to get across the barbed wire and the minefields?' inquired the sergeant. 'Just walk over the bodies of our men,' said the officer. As Abderrhaman approached a dying Viet Minh who lips were still moving, the officer told him, "Get going. You can step on him. He has done his duty for the Democratic Republic of Vietnam."

Gordon Goldstein wrote in the Washington Post, "Paris sought urgent American intervention in the form of a vast aerial bombardment, including the potential use of nuclear weapons. President Dwight Eisenhower rejected the French plea and the strident advocacy for attack by senior advisers such as Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Vice President Richard Nixon. [Source: Gordon Goldstein, Washington Post, September 28, 2012]

In his book "Embers of War: The Fall of an Empire and the Making of America’s Vietnam," Fredrik Logevall depicts a conflicted commander in chief eager to find a way to engage: "Eisenhower actively contemplated taking the United States directly into the war and sought a blank check from Congress to free his hands." Other historians disagree with this interpretation, among them Jean Edward Smith, author of the recent "Eisenhower in War and Peace." "Privately Eisenhower was setting the conditions for American involvement in such a way as to ensure it did not happen," Smith argues. "It was typical of Ike at his best. Feint in one direction publicly, move privately in another." [Source: "Embers of War: The Fall of an Empire and the Making of America’s Vietnam" by Fredrik Logevall Random House, 2012]

Fierce Fighting on the Last Day of Dien Bien Phu

In the final battle, human wave assaults were used to take the perimeter defenses, which yielded defensive guns that were then turned on the main encampment. A huge conventional attack was launched by the Viet Minh on May 1st. Several French strong points were overrun. Another huge attack was made on May 6th, yielding similar results. Six heavily armed French battalions parachuted into the region but bad weather and Viet Minh shelling prevented more reinforcements from arriving. After plans of using tactical atomic bombs and bombing with American B-52 were scraped, Dien Bien Phu was doomed.

On May 7th Giap ordered an all-out attack on the French positions at Dien Ben Phu. Bernard B. Fall wrote: It had become apparent by 10 a.m. that Dien Bien Phu's position was hopeless. French artillery and mortars had been progressively silenced by murderously accurate Communist Viet Minh artillery fire, and the monsoon rains had slowed down supply drops to a trickle and transformed the French trenches and dugouts into bottomless quagmires. The surviving officers and men, many of whom had lived for 54 days on a steady diet of instant coffee and cigarettes, were in a catatonic state of exhaustion. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

While Castries, reported the situation over the radiotelephone to General René Cogny, his theater commander 220 miles away in Hanoi, in a high-pitched but curiously impersonal voice, the end obviously had come for the fortress. De Castries ticked off a long list of 800-man battalions, which had been reduced to companies of 80 men, and of companies that were reduced to the size of weak platoons. All he could hope for was to hold out until nightfall in order to give the surviving members of his command a chance to break out into the jungle under the cover of darkness, while he himself would stay with the more than 5,000 severely wounded (out of a total of 15,094 men inside the valley) and face the enemy. //\

By 3 p.m., however, it had become obvious that the fortress would not last until nightfall. Communist forces, in human-wave attacks, were swarming over the last remaining defenses. De Castries polled the surviving unit commanders within reach, and the consensus was that a breakout would only lead to a senseless piecemeal massacre in the jungle. The decision was made then to fight on to the end, as long as the ammunition lasted, and let individual units be overrun after destruction of their heavy weapons. This was approved by the French senior commander in Hanoi at about 5 p.m., but with the proviso that the men in Isabelle, the southernmost strongpoint closest to the jungle, and to friendly forces in Laos, should be given a chance to make a break for it. //\

Cogny's last conversation with de Castries dealt with the problem of what to do with the wounded piled up under the incredible conditions in the various strongpoints and in the fortress' central hospital — originally built to contain 42 wounded. There had been suggestions that an orderly surrender be arranged, to save the wounded the added anguish of falling into enemy hands as isolated individuals. But Cogny was adamant on that point: Mon vieux, of course you have to finish the whole thing now. But what you have done until now surely is magnificent. Don't spoil it by hoisting the white flag. You are going to be submerged [by the enemy], but no surrender, no white flag. //\

"All right, mon général, I only wanted to preserve the wounded. Yes, I know. Well, do as best you can, leaving it to your [static: subordinate units?] to act for themselves. What you have done is too magnificent to do such a thing. You understand, mon vieux. There was a silence. Then de Castries said his final words: Bien, mon général. Well, good-bye, mon vieux, said Cogny. I'll see you soon. A few minutes later, de Castries' radio operator methodically smashed his set with the butt of his Colt .45 pistol. Thus the last word to come out of the main fortress, as it was being overrun, came at 5:50 p.m. from the radio operator of the 31st Combat Engineer Battalion, using his code name: This is Yankee Metro. We're blowing up everything around here. Au revoir. //\

"Strongpoint Isabelle never had a chance. While the main defenses of Dien Bien Phu were being mopped up, strong Viet Minh forces already had tightened their grip around the 1,000 Legionnaires, Algerians and Frenchmen preparing their breakout. At 9:40 p.m., a French surveillance aircraft reported to Hanoi that it saw the strongpoint's depots blowing up and that heavy artillery fire was visible close by. The breakout had been detected. At 1:50 a.m. on May 8, 1954, came the last message from the doomed garrison, relayed by the watchdog aircraft to Hanoi: Sortie failed — Stop — Can no longer communicate with you — Stop and end. The great battle in the valley of Dien Bien Phu was over. //\

Viet Minh Victory at Dien Bien Phu

In the late afternoon on May 7th the French commander there, Colonel Christian de Castries, radioed Hanoi that "the Viets are everywhere. The situation is very grave. I feel the end is approaching but we will fight to the finish." The last French position was captured at nightfall. The French garrison surrendered on May 7, ending the siege that had cost the lives of as many 25,000 Vietnamese on both sides and more than 1,500 French troops. \\

Dien Bien Phu fell after 57 days of heavy fighting. All 13,000 men in the French garrison were either killed or captured. The Viet Minh captured 11,721 men. The Red Cross looked after the badly wounded but 10,863 were held as prisoners. Only 3,290 were ever repatriated. There is no record as to what happened to the Indochinese who helped the French at Dien Bien Phu. The Viet Minh lost 8,000 killed with 12,000 wounded.

Bernard B. Fall wrote: As a French colonel surveyed the battlefield from a slit trench near his command post, a small white flag, probably a handkerchief, appeared on top of a rifle hardly 50 feet away from him, followed by the flat-helmeted head of a Viet Minh soldier. You're not going to shoot anymore? said the Viet Minh in French. No, I'm not going to shoot anymore, said the colonel. C'est fini? said the Viet Minh. Oui, c'est fini, said the colonel. And all around them, as on some gruesome Judgment Day, soldiers, French and enemy alike, began to crawl out of their trenches and stand erect for the first time in 54 days, as firing ceased everywhere. The sudden silence was deafening. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006]

In his book "The Last Valley: Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam" by British military historian Martin Windrow wrote: there was ''[an] indistinct fading away of the fighting" and the battle ''just . . . stopped." When the news reached France ''the Archbishop of Paris ordered a solemn mass.'Radio entertainment programs were replaced with solemn classical music such as the Berlioz 'Requiem.' "And people ''felt obscurely that they should cancel social engagements as a mark of respect."

Credit for the victory is often given to General Giap, according to Malcolm Browne of the New York Times, for his "masterly command of logistic and maneuver, and his deployment of artillery." Some historians have argued he couldn’t have achieved victory without Chinese help. The Chinese not only provided the Vietnamese with the artillery it needed it also commissioned Chinese laborers to transport it to Vietnam and provided valuable training for Vietnamese officers.

The victory ended the Franco-Viet Minh War and gave the Viet Minh control over northern Vietnam. Giap said, "Finally, we were rid of the enemy. It fullfilled the dreams of the Vietnamese people had held for hundreds of years." Giap later wrote in Newsweek, "When I returned to Viet Bac [Ho Chi Minh’s Northern base] and met Ho, he told us while were we celebrating the victory that we'd have to prepare ourselves to fight another war, this time against the Americans."

Places at Dien Bien Phu

The historical sites of Dien Bien Phu are located in and around the 20 kilometers-long valley of Dien Bien Phu. Almost all the sites of the battle lying to the east of the Muong Thanh Field have been preserved intact. The valley of Dien Bien Phu was 18 kilometers long and six to eight kilometers wide when the Dien Bien Phu campaign began. On November 20th, 1953, French paratroopers occupied the valley and built 49 strongholds in three sub-sections. Among these sites today are artillery emplacements, the remains of airplanes, Muong Thanh Bridge, the command bunker of De Castries, Hill A1 and the cemeteries. Some 35 kilometers from the center of Dien Bien Phu City, in a mountainous, forested area in Muong Phang Commune, is the Command Post of General Vo Nguyen Giap.

Places to visit in Dien Bien: 1) The Museum of Dien Bien Phu victorious battle: The museum houses a great deal of documents and objects relating to the 55-day arduous battle of Vietnamese soldiers and people to make the glorious victory of the whole nation in spring 1954. The museum exhibits its objects both indoors and outdoors. 2) The cemeteries in Hill A1 (644 tombs) and Doc Lap Hill (2432 tombs): This is the resting place of Vietnamese soldiers who sacrificed heroically in the Dien Bien Phu Campaign. In Hill A1 lie the tombs of heroic martyrs such as To Vinh Dien, Be Van Dan, Phan Dinh Giot and Tran Can.

3) Hill A1: This height stands block the way to the northeast sub-section. It has a significant role, controlling the whole battle of Dien Bien Phu. During 36 nights and days, the fierce battle claimed the lives of 2516 Vietnamese soldiers. Only until the night of May 6th, 1954 did Vietnamese soldiers win this decisive battle. 4) Muong Thanh Airfield: This was the stronghold 206 and the central airport of the entrenched camp of Dien Bien Phu. Currently this airport is renamed Dien Bien Phu and becomes one of the destinations in the flight system of the Vietnam Civil Aviation.

5) The Command bunker of the Dien Bien Phu entrenched camp: De Castries worked inside the bunker. The original shape and size, structure and arrangement of the bunker are kept intact. 6) Him Lam Hill: On March 13th, 1954, Vietnamese troops fought the first battle in Him Lam Hill, which is situated to the northwest of the valley. 7) Doc Lap Hill: Vietnamese troops liberated the hill on March 15th, 1954. 8) Hills C, D and E are well preserved. From afar, one can easily recognize the name of these hills. Atop D1 Hill stands the newly-erected Statue of Dien Bien Phu Victory. 9) The Command post of the Vietnamese soldiers from January 21st to May 8th, 1954

Legacy of Dien Bien Phu

Dien Bien Phu was a catastrophic defeat that brought an end to the French colonial adventure in Indochina. The following day, the previously scheduled Geneva Conference opened negotiations to end to French Indochina War.

Bernard B. Fall wrote: On May 7, 1954, the end of the battle for the jungle fortress of Dien Bien Phu marked the end of French military influence in Asia, just as the sieges of Port Arthur, Corregidor and Singapore had, to a certain extent, broken the spell of Russian, American and British hegemony in Asia.The Asians, after centuries of subjugation, had beaten the white man at his own game. Today, 10 years after Dien Bien Phu, Viet Cong guerrillas in South Vietnam again challenge the West's ability to withstand a potent combination of political and military pressure in a totally alien environment. Bernard B. Fall wrote: [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006 //\]

"Close to 10,000 captured troops were to begin the grim death march to the Viet Minh prison camps 300 miles to the east. Few would survive. About 2,000 lay dead all over the battlefield in graves left unmarked to this day. Only 73 made good their escape from the various shattered strongpoints to be rescued by the pro-French guerrilla units awaiting them in the Laotian jungle. Eight thousand miles away, in Geneva, the Vietnamese and Red Chinese delegations attending the nine-power conference that was supposed to settle both the Korean and the Indochinese conflicts toasted the event with pink Chinese champagne...What had happened at Dien Bien Phu was simply that a momentous gamble had been attempted by the French high command and had backfired badly. //\

"The net effect of Dien Bien Phu on France's military posture in Indochina could not be measured in losses alone. It was to little avail to say that France had lost only 5 percent of its battle force, that the equipment losses had already been more than made good by American supplies funneled in while the battle was raging and that even the manpower losses had been made up by reinforcements from France and new drafts of Vietnamese. Even the fact, which the unfortunate Navarre invoked later, that the attack on Dien Bien Phu cost the enemy close to 25,000 casualties and delayed its attack on the vital Red River Delta by four months, held little water in the face of the wave of defeatism that swept not only French public opinion at home but also that of her allies. //\

"Historically, Dien Bien Phu was, as one French senior officer masterfully understated, never more than an unfortunate accident. It proved little else but that an encircled force, no matter how valiant, will succumb if its support system fails. But as other revolutionary wars — from Algeria to the British defeats in Cyprus and Palestine — have conclusively shown, it does not take pitched, set-piece battles to lose such wars. They can be lost just as conclusively through a series of very small engagements, such as those now fought in South Vietnam, if the local government and its population lose confidence in the eventual outcome of the contest — and that was the case both for the French and for their Vietnamese allies after Dien Bien Phu. //\

Legacy of the French Indochina War

By some estimates the French lost 55,000 men—nearly as many as the 58,000 Americans lost in the Vietnam War—and the French and the Americans each spent about $2.7 billion on the war, a lot of money in those days. Other sources say a total of 35,000 men on the French side were killed and 48,000 were wounded. Many Algerians and Moroccans and French Legionnaires from several countries were among the dead. The casualties were much greater on the Viet Minh side but firm numbers were never offered. Giap later famously said, "The life or death of a hundred, a thousand, tens of thousands of human beings, even our compatriots, means little." The New York Times reported in 2013: "About 94,000 French troops died in the war to keep Vietnam, and the struggle for independence killed, by conservative estimates, about 300,000 Vietnamese fighters."

In the spring of 1956, the last French soldier departed from Vietnam. After that the United States increased its military and economic aid and deployed intelligence operatives to advise the fragile regime in South Vietnam on how to counter a growing Viet Minh insurgency.

In his book "The Last Valley: Dien Bien Phu and the French Defeat in Vietnam" by British military historian Martin Windrow wrote:"''this was the first time that a non-European colonial independence movement had evolved through all the stages from guerrilla bands to a conventionally organized and equipped army able to defeat a modern Western occupier in pitched battle." Moreover it was ''the first step down a road that only ended with the departure of the last helicopters from the roof of the US Embassy in Saigon in April 1975."

By the time Dien Bien Phu fell, the war had cost France $2.7 billion, a lot of money at that time. De Gaulle later pleaded with Kennedy to stay out of Indochina. The defeat of the French, inspired rebels in Algeria, where war broke out soon afterwards, and raised hopes among Communists and rebel insurgencies around the globe. In the 1950s, there were strong Communist governments in China, North Vietnam and North Korea and powerful Communist insurgencies in South Vietnam, Laos, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

Bernard B. Fall wrote: Still, as the French themselves demonstrated in Algeria, where they never again let themselves be maneuvered into such desperate military straits, revolutionary wars are fought for political objectives, and big showdown battles are necessary neither for victory nor for defeat in that case. This now seems finally to have been understood in the South Vietnam war as well, and U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara may well have thought of Dien Bien Phu when he stated in his major Vietnam policy speech of March 26, 1964, that we have learned that in Vietnam, political and economic progress are the sine qua non of military success…. One may only hope that the lesson has been learned in time. [Source: Bernard B. Fall, historynet.com, Vietnam magazine, June 12, 2006]

Legacy of the French in Vietnam

Michelle Jana Chan wrote in The Telegraph: "The French used to say of their former colonies in Indo-China: "In Vietnam they plant the rice, in Cambodia they watch it grow and in Laos they listen to it grow." Things haven't changed much. In Laos, meditation still seems to take precedence over farming. Cambodia, too, feels timeless: only politicians change with any regularity. By contrast, Vietnam is one of south-east Asia's "tiger economies", a hustling, bustling hub with no shortage of entrepreneurial spirit. Imperial France invested more in industrious Vietnam than anywhere else, and left more behind. The colonial footprint is stamped most heavily into the culture - architecture and gastronomy - rather than the rule of law or business principles. For the French, Empire was a mission civilatrice rather than an exercise in upping the trade balance. They tried to create a petite France in their remote colonies, enforcing the French language, a Catholic God and fresh croissants.[Source: Michelle Jana Chan, The Telegraph, July 16, 2005]

As Vietnam prospers and progresses, the French legacy is being hotly debated. To pull down or not to pull down is the toughest question for property developers and city planners. The gorgeous old colonial buildings of Hanoi and (to a lesser degree) Saigon often cost more to renovate than replace. But demolition would be a travesty because Hanoi, in particular, is one of the most beautiful cities in Asia, with leafy boulevards of teak, lime, almond and banyan trees shading Provençal-style villas and lakeside pagodas...In the 1950s, when the French left Vietnam, the easy thing would have been to tear it all down and erase any memory of colonial subjugation. But perhaps some things are just too beautiful to destroy.

The enormous French influence on Vietnam's cuisine is seen everywhere, from the slickest restaurants to the sweet-smelling bakeries and street markets. In no other region of Asia can you see baguettes carried in bicycle panniers or in woven baskets balanced on sellers' heads. Every street corner has a crowded café serving sweet, strong and gritty black coffee (cà phê ), as well as biscuits, cakes and pastries. One wet, misty morning, I puddle-jumped between the stalls at one of Hanoi's crowded daily markets on a shopping expedition with Didier Corlou, head chef at the colonial-era Hotel Metropole. He saidm "There is so much the same in France and Vietnam. The croissants here are maybe not sweet, but they are here. Bread has no salt, but is still bread. They have dill, and you do not find it anywhere in Asia. Then they make this beef bourguignon on the street, but cooked in rice wine, not red wine." Didier hardly took a breath. "This was fusion before I started doing it in restaurants."

Didier plucked scallops out of big plastic bowls, squeezing them between finger and thumb, complaining they were too white. He wagged crisp spring onions (for Asia's most delicate spring rolls) under my nose, pointed out the Vietnamese crèpe packed with shredded pork and the great slabs of mortadelle, jambo n and aspic. "Look at this artisan making pig's blood," Didier exclaimed, pointing to one of his vendor friends behind a table of deep-red sausages. "This is more expensive than fillet, say 75,000 dong [about £2, for a kilo], and fillet is 50,000. People really love it, just like in France. Now look at these snails. In all of Asia, it's only in Hanoi they have snails - best stuffed with ginger. There are a lot of eels because of the cold water. The same as in France. We don't see this in Thailand or China."

Image Sources:

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Vietnamtourism. com, Vietnam National Administration of Tourism. CIA World Factbook, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Global Viewpoint (Christian Science Monitor), Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, Fox News and various websites, books and other publications identified in the text.

Last updated May 2014

Tuesday, March 11, 2025

 

Những ngày cuối ở Phi-trường Đà nẵng năm 1975

 

Phiếu Lê

 



Lúc đó đã ngoài giờ làm việc, trời rất oi bức!… Mặc dù cách đây đã gần 40 năm, tôi vẫn còn nhớ rõ hình ảnh đại tá Thái bá Đệ, chỉ mặc độc nhất cái quần lính,mình để trần mồ hôi nhể nhại ngồi sau chiếc bàn nhỏ, đặt ở ngoài hành lang BCH Không đoàn 61. Khỏang 20 người,đa số mặc đồ bay đứng nối đuôi nhau thành hàng dài, trên tay mổi người cầm tờ giấy, tôi đứng sau cùng…không nghe ai nói chuyện với ai, không khí có vẻ như sắp sửa xảy ra một biến cố lớn...


Được Tr/tá Phạm đình Anh, Phi đòan trưởng 538 từ Biên hoà cho phép (nguyên PĐ về học F-5E), tôi và Nguyễn-Thi lái chiếc pick-up ra Huế đón người thân. Đoạn đường chỉ có 105 km, tức khỏang 70 miles mà phải mất hai ngày hai đêm mới về lai được, không có thời gian để kể, nhưng qúy vị cũng hiểu, gian khổ và nguy hiểm tới mức nào! Huế lúc đó đã trở thành một thành phố chết, hầu hết đã bỏ nhà cửa di tản, chỉ còn một số rất ít, vô phương! Đứng ngoài đường thành từng nhóm, nhìn theo xe chúng tôi chạy qua với ánh mắt ước ao... không thấy bóng dáng một người línhVNCH, cũng chẳng biết VC đang ở đâu?. Ngày hôm sau thì Huế mất... Xếp đặt xong chổ tạm trú cho người nhà ở ngoài phố, tôi vào ngay phi đòan. Gặp Tr/tá Lê xuân Lan tại Alert-pad. ông cho biết đã xin được một C130 chỉ ưu tiên dành cho KĐ61, khỏang10 giờ tối hôm nay sẽ đáp xuống Đà nẵng, nhớ giử bí mật!... Tôi liền trở lại phi đoàn và nhờ văn thư đánh gấp một danh sách gồm 16 người, rồi lập tức mang đến đây.


…Cuối cùng tới lược tôi, Đ/tá Đệ, một tay cầm tấm bìa cứng quạt quạt, một tay cầm cây viết, ngước nhìn tôi vẫn tươi cười, nhưng ánh mắt thật buồn bả..” A! còn Lê Phiếu đây rồi..” nói xong đặt bút ký liền rồi đưa cho người lính đứng bên đóng dấu, anh này lại ăn mặc rất chỉnh tề, áo bốn túi thẳng nếp.. Tôi nhận thấy nơi Đ/tá hôm đó có cái gì lạ lạ, không giống thường ngày.. hình như ông đã đoán trước, đây là lần cuối.. làm được cái gì cho đàn em là cứ làm!


Cầm tờ giấy có chử ký và khuôn dấu của Đ/T Đệ, người lớn thì kèm theo thẻ căn cước, con nít khỏi, QC cho vô cổng ngay. Khi đi ngang qua trạm gác khu trực alert-pad, Hưng trâu (A37) lên đạn “róc,róc”, tôi bận lái xe, chưa kịp trả lời thì bà xã tôi đã nhanh nhẩu “xe anh Phiếu, xe anh Phiếu”. Vừa vào tới nơi tôi đã thấy đám đông khỏang hơn trăm người đã tập trung ngay trước sân khu trực alert-pad. Tôi loáng thoáng thấy Hồ Ba lúc đó cũng có mặt với một số người nhà. Không biết anh trở ra Đà nẳng hồi nào?.Bà con ban đầu còn nhốn nháo, nhưng chỉ một lúc, rồi cũng được sắp xếp thứ tự dưới sự điều khiển của th/tá Hồ kim Giàu và tr/tá Lê xuân Lan.. anh em phi đạo không biết do lệnh ai hay tự nguyện đã kéo “rúp” làm hàng rào ngăn chận người ngoài vào.


Qua khỏi mười giờ, rồi mười hai, vẫn chưa thấy động tĩnh, tr/tá Lan tiếp tục liên lạc và hứa hẹn, đám đông bắt đầu mất dần hy vọng, nhưng vẫn ngồi yên giử chổ, mắt nhắm nghiền vì quá mệt mỏi...tội nghiệp cho mấy ông bà cụ gìa và đàn bà thai nghén trong đó có ba mẹ tôi, bà nội vợ, bà xã tôi đang có bầu, lại vừa mới trải qua cuộc hành trình một ngày và một đêm đầy gian nan từ Huế vô...


Phòng trực alert-pad vẫn rực sáng, máy lạnhvẫn chạy đều, xuyên qua kính cửa sổ, tôi thấy anh em biệt đôi, không biết đang chơi bài, tán dóc hay nhắp cà phê? vẫn cười nói vui vẻ như không có chuyện gì xảy ra.. chỉ độc nhất một mình th/tá Nguyễn v Cổn, tay cầm bình nước trà và cái tách nhỏ, đi lui, đi tới nơi cái hành lang lối vào nhỏ xíu của khu trực… Thấy tôi, th/tá bước xuống và tiến lại gần, vẫn cái bình trà trên tay; nhưng lần này có hai cái tách, th/tá Cổn ra dấu đem mời ba mẹ tôi hoặc bà con ai đó. Ông không nói gì hết, chỉ khẻ lắc đầu, nhưng tôi đã đọc được ngụ ý “chiến tranh khổ quá phải không??”  Tôi lại nhìn vào phòng trực.. chỉ trong một phạm vi nhỏ thế này, mà đã là hai thế giới…!!!


Đến hơn một giờ sáng… vẫn chưa có dấu hiệu, đám người vẫn ngồi bất động, không ai giống ai,tuy cùng một tâm trạng, nhưng có lẽ mỗi người đang đeo đuổi một ý nghĩ riêng. Th/tá Giàu và tr/tá Lan cũng biến đi đâu mất.. tôi cũng lửng thửng tản bộ về phi đòan, dù không với mục đích gì hết.. nhưng đúng là số xui tận mạng! Giữa đêm khuya tĩnh mịch, đèn vẫn sáng, không một bóng người, tôi bước từng bước chậm theo lối vào, lướt nhìn từng tấm ảnh lớn của mổi hoa tiêu treo trên tường, tươi cười tay cầm hón bay đứng bên chiếc F-5. Tôi biết rõ, họ sẽ không bao giờ còn trở về… chỉ độc nhất mình tôi và đây cũng là lần cuối! mắt tôi đỏ hoe theo ý nghĩ đó...!!!



Vừa bước ra khỏi cửa, thì cái điện thoại, tôi vẫn còn nhớ số 2633 reo vang.. giọng của một ông bạn không thân lắm tên T từ bên kia đầu dây, cầu khẩn tôi gíup đỡ.. Với bạn bè dù bất kỳ ai và trong hoàn cảnh nào, tôi rất nhiệt tình. Và tôi đã hứa.. liền cấp tốc lái xe pick-up ra một địa chỉ ở số…đường Ng T Giang. Giữa lúc người ta đang say ngủ, tôi đấm cửa liên tục. ban đầu họ không dám mở. chỉ hé cửa sổ, thấy chiếc xe KQ và tôi mặc đồ bay, người ta mới yên lòng và tiếp tôi.. Sau khi giới thiệu sơ qua, tôi đi thẳng vào vấn đề, yêu cầu trong năm phút phải quyết định, hoặc đi, bỏ lại tất cả và lên xe, hoặc ở lại. Sau khi hội ý, hình như một ông rể và một bà chị ở lại, còn tất cả lên xe trong đó có một cô sinh viên, tôi còn nhớ có cái tên rất Huế, Hương-Giang…Tới cổng phi trường, QC vẫn còn làm việc rất nghiêm chỉnh, tôi nhớ hình như phải gọi th/tá Giàu can thiệp mới được vào.


Trở về lạị khu vực alert-pad thì đã gần 2 giờ sáng, tình hình bấy giờ trở nên rất sôi động vì trên bầu trời chiếc C130 đang lượn vòng chuẩn bị đáp. Anh em phi đạo đứng nối tay làm hàng rào ngăn chận người lạ xâm nhập. Thỉnh thoảng một chiếc trực thăng từ đâu chớp nhoáng đáp xuống, xô bỏ người thân rồi vụt bay như con chim bói cá, còn những vị hành khách không mời này như đã được huấn luyện trước, nhanh chóng trà trộn vào đám quân ô hợp. Th/tá Giàu ra sức giử trật tự, Tr/tá Lan lớn tiếng trấn an “bà con yên chí, ai cũng được đi. Tất cả đồ đạc, lớn nhỏ bỏ hết lên đây”vừa nói vừa chỉ chiếc xe pick-up, máy bay sẽ mang theo, xuống phi trường SG sẽ lấy lại”…thường ngày tôi thấy tr/tá đạo mạo, chính trực, hôm đó sao nói dối tài tình đến thế! chính tôi cũng lầm tưởng. Vừa nói xong bà con nhào tới bỏ hết đồ đạc của mình, đầy nhóc khung xe và yên chí trở về chổ cũ (sau đó th/tá Cổn giao chìa khóa xe cho tôi với một hàm ý nhưng tôi không hiểu và đã không nhận, đến khi ngồi tù bảy năm về.. đói khổ quá, nhất là nhìn thấy mẹ gìa và mấy đứa con thiếu ăn cứ tưởng tượng hoài ). Chỉ duy nhất có ba tôi ngồi ở hàng đầu, ông vẫn ôm chặt cái TV 12inches tôi mua ở Mỹ gởi về lúc du học, ông qúy lắm bỏ hết nhà cửa mang theo chỉ mình nó. Ba tôi sau này bị stroke chết tức tưởi khi đang ngồi bế cháu nội (con gái đầu lòng của tôi, sinh ra chỉ hai ngày sau khi tôi đi tù, và sáu tháng thì ông mất).


Cuối cùng chiếc C130 đã đáp xuống, đi vòng vòng một lúc rồi đưa phần đuôi vào, tình hình rất căng thẳng, tuy nhiên đám quân ô hợp vẫn ngồi yên bất động và chờ lệnh, tới lúc này tôi mới biết th/tá Giàu đã dàn xếp, người gìa, trẻ con, đặc biệt đàn bà mang thai, được ưu tiên ngồi hàng đầu, trong khi đó bà xã tôi có bầu hơn tám tháng lại ngồi đằng sau cùng, cũng lỗi tại tôi trong giờ phút quan trọng nhất lại bỏ đi. Tôi ra dấu cho bà xã tôi đứng dậy ra khỏi hàng và dẫn đi.. được nửa chừng thì như một lệnh truyền từ hư vô, cả rừng người đồng loạt đứng dậy và cùng một lúc nhào tới. Cảnh hổn loạn xảy ra tức khắc.. hoàn toàn bất khả kháng. Tr/tá Lan, th/tá Giàu th/tá Cổn tất cả chỉ biết đứng nhìn như đang xem một cuốn phim thời chiến…cánh cửa sau của máy bay buộc lòng phải đưa lên lưng chừng, tới nước này tôi đành chịu thua, bỏ lại bà xã. Tôi chạy đến leo lên máy bay không phân biệt, nắm được tay ai là kéo lên, tôi nhận ra chị Xuân vợ Mai v Minh, tôi phải dùng cả hai tay và cẩn thận hơn vì chị đang có bầu, vào lúc đó hình như chỉ có mình tôi là làm công việc cứu hộ này. Kéo được khoảng mười lăm người thì máy bay rùng mình bỏ chạy như con bọ hung rực- rảy bầy kiến bu.. Ra tới gần phi đạo,lơị dụng khúc quẹo tôi nhảy xuống lăng mấy vòng, chiếc mủ “tây thi” rớt đâu mất,máu ướt bên trán.. vẫn thây kệ! Tôi ngồi dậy nhìn theo chiếc C130 cất cánh cho đến khi mất hút trong màn đêm…Trở về lại khu alert-pad, bấy giờ như một bãi chiến trường, lác đác vài nhóm nhỏ người thua trận đang mò mẩm. Đâu đó có vài tiếng khóc nấc lên từng hồi.., anh em trực không chiến thì đã tắt đèn đi ngủ. Tự nhiên tôi thấy nhớ cái đám quân ô hợp, mới hồi nảy còn đang náo loạn…


Trọn nguyên cả một ngày hôm sau, từ sáng cho tới tối không ăn không uống, một người bạn có tình, có nghĩa, Th/úy Ng v Tiếu luôn sát cánh bên vợ chồng tôi, cùng đi trên chiếc Jeep màu xanh lam của người bạn Mỹ cố vấn phi-đoàn để lạị, chạy quanh phi đạo tìm đường thoát cho vợ chồng tôi (riêng Tiếu thì đã có F-5) có chiếc trực thăng bị hư máy thấy người ta ngồi đầy nhóc,vợ chồng tôi với cái bụng bầu tổ bố cũng leo lên rồi leo xuống.Tiếu vẫn ngồi trên xe đợi, thỉnh thoảng cũng có một hai chiếc C130 đáp xuống đi vòng quanh không dám ngừng. Một chiếc C119 đảo vài vòng trên phi đạo rồi bay mất. Có một số người bị chết vì trốn trong hốc bánh đáp của Boing…chúng tôi cứ lái xe chạy vòng quanh, khi qua bên ngã Phước-tường và dừng xe sát một chiếc C130 đang nổ máy ngoài phi đạo, thấy người ta đầy nhóc, không đóng cửa được tôi và Tiếu nhìn nhau lắc đầu..bỏ cuộc! Trở về lại phòng trực alert-pad định nghỉ ngơi một lát thì gặp th/tá Cổn. Ông đưa tôi vô phòng briefing, nói qua trong trường hợp khẩn cấp.. cứ việc heading 173 mà bay v.v.

Đêm thứ hai vẫn yên tĩnh, cho tới hơn nửa khuya, bọn VC bắt đầu pháo kích, càng lúc càng dữ dội, chủ tâm phá bỏ phi đạo, cắt đức đường hàng không. Lúc đó, tôi và bà xã đang ở khu cư xá Trần v Tho, ̣Giữa lúc mưa pháo và trong tranh tối, tranh sáng, từ trong nhà nhìn ra đường, tôi thấy sáu bóng người đi thất thểu, máu me tùm lum, hình như tới bước đường cùng, họ không còn biết sợ hãi gì nữa! Cũng không cần kêu la.. dẫn đầu là một anh mặc đồ bay, mang lon đ/u. Tôi bước ra cửa đưa tay ngoắc vô. Anh cho biết tên Tuấn, lái skyrider một mình về đây, tìm cách đưa gia đình đi, nhưng không quen ai cả. Tôi đưa hết mọi người vô nhà, lấy xe jeep chở mình anh đi về hướng phi cảng dân sự, công nhận anh nầy giỏi thật! Thấy một chiếc xe hơi của ai đậu bên lề đường, không biết bằng cách nào, chưa tới năm phút là anh nổ máy được rồi lái chạy theo tôi về lại nhà. Có được phương tiện, anh như con chim sỗ lồng, ríu rít cám ơn.. khi anh đi mất, tôi mơí phác giác còn để laị một cô em gái khoảng19 tuổi khá xinh, không hiểu nguyên do tại sao? Và cô này cũng không bày tỏ môt ̣ phản ứng gì hết, chỉ lẻo đẻo theo vợ chồng tôi. Riêng Tuấn và những người còn lại, nhất là ông bố đang bị thương nặng, không biết số phận của họ sau đó đi về đâu? Chỉ biết một tin chính xác là có một A1 bị rớt ngoài biển (anh Tuấn nếu còn sống hoặc qúy vị nào biết tung tích về vị đ/u mà tôi rất có cảm tình này ở một trong mấy phi đòan khu trục xin L/L, cám ơn).


Đến khoảng 2 giờ sáng, tiếng đạn pháo thưa dần, tôi thấy anh em F-5 lần lược cất cánh từng chiếc một.. Tiếng gầm rú của động cơ phản lực vang dội cả một vùng, át cả tiếng đạn pháo kích. Tiếu đã may mắn bay chiếc F-5D cất cánh từ hồi chiều, chở theo một đ/u kỷ thuật, hình như Trần lưu Uý cũng bay cùng lúc. Cũng trong đêm đó, một A37 crashed trên phi đạo, đ/u Đỗ Thạnh tử thương tại chổ. Ngay sau khi chiếc F-5 cuối cùng rời phi đạo, tôi lái xe tới khu trực alert pad, chạy thẳng vô ụ đậu, tôi còn nhớ số phi cơ 273. Tr/u Thành từ trong chổ tối, sau bức màn chống pháo kích, lớn tiếng giọng Bắc kỳ năm tư: “Ai?”


Nhận ra tôi anh dịu giọng “tất cả bay hết rồi.. chỉ còn mình hồng tiễn..mau lên! Tôi đi kêu tụi nó nổ máy, VC sắp pháo nửa đó”. Tôi nhìn con tàu, rồi quay lưng nhìn bà xã với cái bụng bầu ngồi yên lặng như pho tượng trên chiếc xe jeep giữa đêm khuya thanh vắng.. Thường ngày vợ tôi rất ủy mị, tôi nhớ lúc tiễn tôi vô Biên hòa học F-5E đã oà khóc như một đứa trẻ, đến nổi tôi phải xin tr/tá Anh trở ra. Nhưng vào lúc này, biết tôi đi sẽ không bao giờ trở về..nàng lại hối thúc “đi!…đi anh!..anh ơi!”. Tôi cứ tưởng bà xã tôi yếu đuối lắm, nhưng không.. nàng đã chuẩn bị cho đứa con trong bụng dù trai hay gái cái tên “Lê anh Phiếu”khi sanh ra, nếu lúc đó tôi cất cánh…bà xả tôi đã tâm sự khi tôi mãn tù bảy năm trở về.


Và tôi đã lắc đầu..thấy vậy, Thành xẳng giọng và dùng từ cấp bậc đối với tôi “ thôi được, vậy thì trung úy về nhà đi..” (đêm hôm sau, Thành đã chiến đấu rất anh dũng với VC và hy sinh tại chổ này, tôi sẽ kể sau ). Tôi thẩn thờ như người mất hồn …thấy phòng trực alert pad, đèn còn cháy sáng. Tôi dừng xe bước vào.. máy lạnh vẫn chạy đều, mấy ly cà phê đang uống dở, nước đá còn chưa tan. Khoảng nửa giờ trước đây, anh em còn sinh hoạt, bây giờ đã ở một thế giới khác, thế giới của tự do, còn tôi thì sắp đối mặt với kẻ thù khát máu… Đang miên man, bổng nghe có tiếng động nhỏ, một bóng người ngồi yên lặng trong góc tối, đầu cúi gầm, mặt quay vô tường, tôi bước lại gần nhìn kỷ mới nhận ra đại tá Đệ, không biết đại tá lúc đó đang nghĩ gì mà hai bờ vai rung lên từng hồi. Tôi chưa kịp hỏi và ông không quay lại mà vẫn biết là tôi “người nhà đâu rồi, sao không đi..!?” tôi không trả lời, chỉ đứng yên đưa tay chào mà nước mắt muốn rơi!.... Một hình ảnh đại tá Đệ vui tươi bên cạnh tr/tá Lan vừa đi vừa briefing, như đôi chim gìa dặn hướng về chiếc F-5D cách đây chỉ mới hai tuần, đâu mất rồi! Hôm đó, tôi hân hạnh được bay wingman với hai xếp lớn và không ngờ rằng, đó cũng là phi vụ cuối cùng trong cuộc đời bay bỗng của mình.Và lần gặp hôm nay, trong tình huống bi thương này cũng là lần cuối với vị đại tá mà tôi hằng kính mến…


Trời vừa sáng, tôi thu xếp vài thứ để lên đường, dự định tìm đường biển.. đu sau xe jeep có hai người lính phi đạo bồng súng M16 tháp tùng hồi nào mà tôi không hay. QC vẫn còn đứng gác, mặt buồn thiu.. Tới đầu cầu Nam-ô thì cô em gái đ/u Tuấn mà tôi chưa kịp hỏi tên, đòi xuống vì có người quen ở đó. Đi thêm một đoạn, có người cho biết línhTQLC bị bỏ rơi, đã bắn chết nhiều lính KQ dưới đó. Vừa nghe xong, hai vị hộ vệ không mời của tôi biến mất, tôi cũng tấp vào lề, thay bộ xi-vinh, quần jeen xanh áo trắng,vĩnh biệt bộ đồ bay kể từ giây phút đó. Được nửa đường thì tôi thấy Ng-Thi, lái chiếc pick-up chạy ngược chiều lên, vẫn còn mặc áo bay với cặp lon th/úy, hai bên nhìn thấy nhau, há hốc miệng nhưng xe vẫn chạy. Như vậy là không xong rồi!..tôi tìm cách quay xe lại, hơn nữa mấy đêm liên tiếp không ngủ tôi mệt lã …thôi cứ về nhà, tới đâu thì tơí!


Bố vợ tôi là Thượng sĩ Biệt Kích Dù lâu năm, thời gian ông đội nón cối VC, trà trộn trong hàng ngũ quân thù còn nhiều hơn là mặc đồ lính. Ông không chịu đi với lý do riêng, trong lúc vợ con cả thảy mười người đi hết trong chuyến bay C130 như tôi nói ở trên. Ông ở lại. Và ông hết sức ngỡ ngàng, lo âu khi thấy vợ chồng tôi đậu chiếc xe jeep đi vô. Tôi ngủ thiếp đi trong căn nhà ở đường gì tôi không nhớ, nhưng ngay ở đầu phi-đạo hướng bắc.. Lúc đó khoảng11 giờ trưa, tôi nghe tiếng máy bay phản lực gầm thét.. bố vợ buột miệng “nhanh thật! mới đó mà Mig21 đã vô tiếp nhận”. Tôi chỉ ậm ờ cho qua chuyện, nhưng mấy tháng sau khi ở trên trại tù, một ông bạn nằm bên rỉ tai “ F5..vậy có biết Ng-Thi không? Anh được phỏng vấn trên TV, người cuối cùng rời Đà-nẵng..” tôi mới bật ngữa, tới lúc đó Thi vẫn còn kịp trở lại lấy máy bay cất cánh.. và không biết có phải chiếc 273 mà tôi đã từ chối bay hồi khuya?


Qua ngày hôm sau, tôi chợt có ý nghĩ tới khu Lê đình Dương, nơi mà KQ hay ra ăn nhậu, biết đâu có tin tức gì thêm. Vừa lên ngồi trên xe, chuẩn bị nổ máy thì có ba tên côn đồ do VC thả ra từ các trại tù, dí dao cướp chiếc xe jeep lái đi mất. tôi vào nhà mượn chiếc xe đạp. Quả đúng như tôi dự đoán, anh em tập trung khá đông, đa số lính phi-đạo và văn phòng, lẽ dĩ nhiên ai cũng mặc đồ thường dân nên rất khó nhận diện, tôi có gặp Cao minh Mẫn tài xế cho phi đoàn 516 mà tôi chơi thân. Rồi một người tên Thìn và một người tên là Minh người Nam phi-đạo F-5, tôi không nhớ nhưng họ đến chào tôi và tự giới thiệu tên mình “xin lỗi.. bây giờ không biết phải gọi sao..?” Tôi đưa đường “hai anh lớn tuổi hơn tôi mà”, sau đó chúng tôi ngồi xuống nói chuyện…ngoài đường mấy tên lính bộ đội quê mùa đội nón cối, đang đi cắm những lá cờ máu.


Tôi đã khóc thật sư ̣khi nghe kể Tr/úy Thành không chịu đầu hàng, anh kiếm đâu ra được áo giáp, nón sắt, tập hợp một thiểu số lính phòng thủ và phi- đạo, lập phòng tuyến chiến đấu riêng lẽ, sau khi tận mắt chứng kiến bọn VC khát máu bắn bỏ bừa bải anh em. Đa số người Nam, biệt phái ra Đà-nẵng, không có người thân, ăn ở tại chổ. Họ đâu biết cộng sản đã tràn ngập thành phố, nên phản ứng tự nhiên là bỏ chạy và bị bắn. có người trốn trên các ụ đậu phi cơ bị bắn rơi xuống và Thành đã hy sinh ngay tại trước sân khu trực Aler-pad… Hai mươi năm sau, khi qua được Mỹ theo diện HO, tôi rất lấy làm buồn là anh em Hồng-tiễn có vẽ hờ hửng và hình như không ai còn nhớ được tr/úyThành, người sĩ quan kỷ thuật anh hùng mà ngày xưa thường vô phi đoàn thuyết trình về tình trạng phi cơ...


Chiều hôm đó về nhà, tôi nghe xe phóng thanh chạy rảo khắp TP Đà Nẵng, hình như có tiếng nói của đại tá Báu, lâu quá tôi không nhớ nổi, kêu gọi anh em KQ đặc biệt “lính lái”vô phi trường làm việc lại sẽ được cách mạng ưu đải v.v. Trong số này, tôi được biết có anh On, anh A´, Sanh v,v. sau đó đã cùng vơí Ng thành Trung dội bom TSN. Và khi trở về cũng được đưa lên núi học tập cho biết chính sách!!... riêng tôi đã tìm cách rời bỏ Đà-nẵng ngay đêm đó trên một chuyến xe hàng thuê bao. Qua các trạm gác,tôi trình thẻ căn cước dân sự và với bộ áo quần xanh trắng, bọn VC tưởng tôi sinh viên nên cho đi dễ dàng.. về đến Huế trình diện, khoảng mười ngày sau thì có giấy mời tập trung cải tạo, không cần áo quần nhiều, chỉ mang theo cây đàn, dụng cụ thể thao v.v. học tập vui chơi cho biết chính sách, tối đa ba tháng sẽ về. Nhóm chúng tôi tất cả 57 mạng, đa số Tr/tá, Th/tá. Cấp nhỏ nhất Tr/u. Xe đưa ra tới Quảng trị rồi đi bộ, phải mất nửa ngày leo núi mơí tới nơi…nói là ba tháng, tôi phải nhân lên 30 lần, có người hơn 50 lần vẫn chưa thấy về. Và nhiều người đã vĩnh viễn ra đi bởi nhiều lý do...!!!

 


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Saturday, May 18, 2024

 

The Secret History of a Vietnam War Airstrike Gone Terribly Wrong

A wounded soldier on Hill 875 during the Battle of Dak To.Credit...Al Chang/Associated Press

After making three dry runs over the battlefield, the Marine Corps A-4 attack jet descended to 1,000 feet above the jungle and released two bombs. It was just past dusk on Nov. 19, 1967. For the American troops below, a vicious weekslong fight that would eventually become known as the Battle of Dak To was about to take a horrible turn.

Soldiers of the 173rd Airborne Brigade were dug in on the steep southern slope of Hill 875, fighting beside napalm fires and exposed to the guns of North Vietnamese Army shooting from tunnels nearby. Among them was Specialist Jon Wambi Cook — one of his infantry company’s few surviving radio operators.

Barreling in on a shallow 10-degree angle at hundreds of miles per hour, the two bombs from the A-4 hit the ground near Cook. One was a dud. The other exploded in a huge orange fireball. Cook had seen many airstrikes before, but not like this. Instead of hitting his battalion’s North Vietnamese foes, the bomb struck the branches of a lone tree along the Americans’ perimeter, under which the battalion’s remaining officers and noncommissioned officers on the ground had set up a command post with their radio operators. It was also a casualty-collection point where the most badly wounded soldiers were being treated by medics while awaiting medevac helicopters to take them off the hill. The bomb killed at least 20 men and wounded 10 more, including most of the remaining senior leaders and medics.

Alongside the medics was Maj. Charles Watters, a 40-year-old Catholic priest who served as the battalion’s chaplain. Earlier in the battle, Watters had ventured out past the perimeter several times to rescue wounded soldiers, carrying or dragging them to safety, providing first aid and administering last rites to the dying — actions for which he was later awarded the Medal of Honor. The bomb blast killed him too.

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Protected by a pile of broken tree trunks that absorbed deadly fragments, Cook emerged unscathed. His radio crackled with voices. At first he thought North Vietnamese soldiers had broken through the lines and planted a bomb at the command post. “I thought it couldn’t have been our guys,” he said in a recent interview, “until I heard someone on the radio say: ‘Stop. You’re killing us.’”

The tactics for close air support in the Vietnam War had jet pilots flying several hundred miles an hour trying to put unguided “dumb bombs” beside maneuver units in the jungle. Fratricidal mishaps were a tragic feature of this manner of waging war. The errant strike at Hill 875 was one of the deadliest mistakes of its type.

The New York Times recently obtained an unredacted copy of the Air Force’s investigation into the incident. Written in January 1968, it offers finely detailed insights into an agonizing error from which the remains of three American soldiers have never been found, even after a mission almost half a century later to retrieve them. The report demonstrates the dangerous gamble of supporting troops in intensive ground combat before the era of so-called smart bombs, when the United States moved to almost exclusively using laser and GPS-guided bombs that made airstrikes much more accurate.

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The bombs that killed Americans on Hill 875 were 250-pound Mk-81s fitted with Snakeye fins, according to the report. Designed three years earlier by the Navy’s weapons center in China Lake, Calif., these fins popped out as the bomb fell away, decelerating the unguided bombs so that the low-flying aircraft that released them could pull far enough ahead to escape shrapnel and blast damage when the ordnance hit the ground.

At the Battle of Dak To, the sky was crowded overhead. In addition to the Marine A-4s, a pair of Air Force A-1 Skyraiders was dropping napalm — intending both to kill North Vietnamese troops and to create fires on the ground that the pilots in faster A-4s could use as reference points for follow-on bombing runs. B-52s were approaching with plans to carpet-bomb. An AC-47 gunship was circling. The job of coordinating all these varied options and attacks fell to Capt. James E. Wrenn of the Air Force, who was flying a small Cessna propeller plane.

Lt. Col. Richard Taber, the pilot who the report indicated dropped the bombs, had flown 90 hours in combat since arriving in Vietnam roughly three months before. Taber flew with the call sign Hellborne 526-1 and commanded a Marine Corps A-4 squadron in Chu Lai. He was supposed to drop his bombs directly onto one of the napalm fires, but his bombs fell about 650 feet short and to the right, a miss the investigator labeled “a short round.” It landed on Charlie Company, Cook’s sister unit, which he had fallen in with amid the chaos of the fighting.

How this mistake occurred remains unclear. The report said the A-4 may have approached the target area from a direction slightly off axis from what Wrenn directed, resulting in the bombs landing downslope from the intended target. But the investigation was ultimately inconclusive, declaring that “there is insufficient evidence to determine the exact cause of the short round” before blaming “improper release conditions.” The investigator recommended that pilots undergo remedial training and that the investigation be closed, as it had revealed “no gross personnel errors nor evidence of equipment malfunction.”

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Today, Cook, who is now 72, lives in Azusa, Calif., and spends his days tending to his grandchildren nearby. Dak To, he said, is never far from his thoughts. “Not a day goes by that I don’t” think about it, Cook said. “I’ve always thought about it, but to actually share it with others, that took 35 or 37 years.” In March 2017, Cook returned to Hill 875 to help look for the remains of the three American soldiers who had never been recovered: Sgt. Donald Iandoli, Specialist Jack L. Croxdale II and Pfc. Benjamin David De Herrera. The mission did not find the missing men, and Cook surmises that their bodies were vaporized in the blast. But Cook’s participation in the search connected him with a military investigator who was also on the trip. “I mentioned that I wondered what the pilot felt, knowing that he was responsible,” Cook said. “It must have been hard for him to carry on.” The investigator’s answer surprised him. “If you read the report,” Cook recalled being told, “you might have a different opinion.”

Cook subsequently obtained a copy of the report in 2017, which, as far as he knew, had never been publicly released. A scholar who wrote about the fight for Hill 875 in the 1980s and an author who wrote a book about it in the 1990s both told The New York Times that they had never seen the report before, even after searching through files related to the battle in the National Archives. Upon reading it, Cook found that instead of taking responsibility, the Marine pilot’s statement to investigators criticized almost everyone but himself and his wingman. Taber blamed other pilots for being unprofessional over the radio, spoke of one pilot’s “imperious manner” and called out others for being sarcastic and impatient. He did, though, praise his own skills. “I have been dropping Snakeyes exclusively in my last 15 or 20 launches from the alert,” his statement reads. “I can recall no reported miss distance as great as 50 meters in range, and nothing approaching that in azimuth.”

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Paratroopers from the 173rd Airborne Brigade filing past bodies of fellow soldiers killed in the Battle of Dak To.Credit...Al Chang/Associated Press

“Ordnance on target,” Taber added, “has almost always been reported as 100 percent.”

What the report did not show was the chaos on the ground, the horror the bomb had created for the very soldiers it was supposed to relieve. Cook can recall it all. As the initial shock of the explosion passed, he crawled in the dark to the smoking crater where the bomb hit. “That’s when you heard the moaning and the crying,” he said. “I got to the edge of the crater this bomb had made and realized it was where a lot of guys had congregated. This was where our C.P. — our command post — and all of our wounded from earlier in the day had been positioned.”

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Overhead, Capt. Dick Goetze of the Air Force flew his AC-47 “Spooky” gunship in a slow circle 3,000 feet above the dead and wounded troops, while one of his crew members tossed parachute flares out the back of the plane to help survivors on the ground see in the darkness. Goetze, his co-pilot and his navigator had all watched the bomb hit. “It was obvious when the explosion went off that it was in the wrong place,” he said in a recent interview. “We all said, ‘Oops, we just got the friendlies.’”

Earlier in the same flight, before the A-4’s Snakeyes struck, Goetze was ordered to leave the area by a different officer than Wrenn who was controlling the airspace above Hill 875 as night fell. Goetze was told that a number of “Buffs” — giant B-52 Stratofortress bombers — were on their way to carpet-bomb the area and that he needed to clear out. Goetze, who later retired as a two-star general, disobeyed his orders. He had seen B-52 carpet-bombing missions before, and he knew they were the wrong planes for the circumstances at Hill 875. “They’d just wipe everybody out,” he said. “So we refused to get off the target for that reason. Their target area was right on top of those guys. I got my hand slapped for that.”

As a flare from Goetze’s gunship floated close to the ground, it threw enough light sideways for Cook to peer into the crater. “All you saw was parts and pieces,” he said. He found a soldier he knew. “He said, ‘Hey, can you come get me?’” Cook said. “And as the flare got closer, I could see that he had been cut off from below the thighs. There was nothing there.” As his friend bled to death, Cook came upon a medic. “He said something about his arm,” he said. “It was stuck under him. I felt for it, and his arm was shattered from his shoulder to his elbow. There was just sinew and connective tissue connecting them.” Cook crawled from soldier to soldier. The survivors had more than wounds to worry about. They assumed their Vietnamese adversaries would launch an attack to finish them off, so they stayed vigilant. “We expected an all-out assault,” Cook said. “We had our rear covered, but it was just a matter of when they were going to start coming over the berm.” But the North Vietnamese soldiers never came.

Today the investigative report has circulated among witnesses and survivors, including Stephen Greene, a former warrant officer who flew UH-1D Iroquois helicopters in the 173rd’s aviation platoon at the time of the Battle of Dak To. “The report could not show the desperation and extreme courage displayed in abundance,” he said in an interview. “And it certainly did not explain what each of the survivors must live with forever.”

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Taber is now 89 and living in an assisted-care facility in North Carolina. In a telephone interview, he at first denied knowing anything about Dak To but eventually acknowledged that he flew over Hill 875 as Hellborne 526-1. Taber said that his air group commander, who was a friend of his from before that tour, grounded him after the attack. But two or three days later, he said, his commander ordered him back into the cockpit. “When I was restored to full flight duty, I took it as being absolved,” he said. Half a century after the battle, he says he does not take responsibility for what happened. “I have no way of knowing,” Taber said. “There were other aircraft on nearby targets.”

“I had prayed,” he said, “that it was someone else.”

A correction was made on 
Feb. 4, 2019

An earlier version of this article misspelled the surname of one of the American soldiers who was never recovered. He was Pfc. Benjamin David De Herrera, not Hererra.


When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more

John Ismay is a staff writer who covers armed conflict for The New York Times Magazine. He is based in Washington.

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