Sunday, June 22, 2025

 This article is about the operation during the Iran Hostage Crisis. For the operation during the Iraq War, see Operation Eagle Claw XI.

Operation Eagle Claw
Part of the Iran hostage crisis
Overview of the wreckage at the Desert One landing field in Iran
Location
Near TabasSouth Khorasan, Iran

33°04′23″N 55°53′33″E
Commanded by
TargetEmbassy of the United States, Tehran
Date24–25 April 1980
Executed by United States Army

 Central Intelligence Agency

Logistical support:

OutcomeMission failed
1 helicopter and 1 transport aircraft destroyed
5 helicopters abandoned/captured
Casualties8 US servicemen killed & 4 injured
1 Iranian civilian (alleged by Iranian Army) killed
Map
About OpenStreetMaps
Maps: terms of use
60km
37miles
Desert One
Desert One
File:Iran 2001 CIA map.jpg
Desert 1 location in central Iran

Operation Eagle Claw (Persian: عملیات پنجه عقاب) was a failed U.S. Department of Defense attempt to rescue 52 embassy staff held captive by Revolutionary Iran on 24 April 1980. It was ordered by US President Jimmy Carter after the staff were seized at the Embassy of the United States, Tehran. The operation, one of Delta Force's first, encountered many obstacles and failures and was subsequently aborted.[1] Eight helicopters were sent to the first staging area called Desert One, but only five arrived in operational condition.[2] One had encountered hydraulic problems, another was caught in a sand storm, and the third showed signs of a cracked rotor blade. During the operational planning, it was decided that the mission would be aborted if fewer than six helicopters remained operational upon arrival at the Desert One site, despite only four being absolutely necessary.[2] In a move that is still discussed in military circles, the field commanders advised President Carter to abort the mission, which he did.[3]

As the US forces prepared to withdraw from Desert One, one of the remaining helicopters crashed into a transport aircraft that contained both servicemen and jet fuel. The resulting fire destroyed both aircraft and killed eight servicemen.[2] In the context of the Iranian Revolution, Iran's new leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, stated that the mission had been stopped by an act of God ("angels of God") who had foiled the US mission in order to protect Iran and its new Islamist government. In turn, Carter blamed his loss in the 1980 US presidential election mainly on his failure to secure the release of the hostages. The American hostages were released the day of Ronald Reagan's inauguration.[4]

Motivation for military intervention

[edit]

On 4 November 1979, fifty-two American diplomats and citizens were taken hostage in the United States Embassy in Tehran, Iran, by a group of Iranian college students belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, avid supporters of the Iranian Revolution.[5][6] American President Jimmy Carter called the hostage-taking an act of "blackmail" and the hostages "victims of terrorism and anarchy".[7] but in Iran it was widely seen as an act against the US and its influence in Iran, including its perceived attempts to undermine the Iranian Revolution and its longstanding support of the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was overthrown in 1979.[8]

The crisis had reached a climax after diplomatic negotiations failed to secure the release of the hostages. Facing elections and with little to show from negotiations, the Carter government ordered the State Department to sever diplomatic relations with Iran on 7 April 1980.[9] Cyrus Vance, the United States Secretary of State, had argued against a push by National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski for a military solution to the crisis.[10] Vance left Washington on Thursday 10 April for a long weekend vacation in Florida.[10] The following day, Friday 11 April, Brzezinski held a newly scheduled meeting of the National Security Council where he insisted that it was time to "lance the boil",[11] and Carter said it was "time for us to bring our hostages home".[12] During this Security Council meeting of 11 April Carter confirmed that he had authorized the mission.[10][11][Note 1] He also continued to entertain the planning for a concurrent punitive air-strike, but this was finally rejected on 23 April, one day before the start of the mission,[11] which was code-named Operation Eagle Claw.[13]

Operation Eagle Claw occurred amid a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Iran and its western neighbor Iraq, including frequent border skirmishes, calls by Khomeini for Iraqi Shi'ites to revolt against the ruling Ba'ath Party, and allegations of Iraqi support for Arab and Kurdish separatists in Iran. According to an 11 April 1980 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) analysis, "Evidence indicates that Iraq had probably planned to initiate a major military move against Iran with the aim of toppling the Khomeini regime" and had "sought to engage the Kuwaitis to act as intermediary in obtaining United States approval and support for Iraqi military action against Iran". Carter, who wrote in his diary on 10 April that "The Iranian terrorists are making all kinds of crazy threats to kill the American hostages if they are invaded by Iraq—whom they identify as an American puppet," may have been influenced by such reports to approve a rescue mission prior to the outbreak of a possible Iran–Iraq War.[14]

Planning and preparation

[edit]
A pair of RH-53Ds aboard USS Nimitz

Planning for a possible rescue mission began on 6 November, two days after the hostages were taken.[15] Army Major General James B. Vaught was appointed as Joint Task Force commander and was to be forward-based at Wadi Kena in Egypt, reporting directly to the President. In turn, he had two field commanders: USAF Colonel James H. Kyle as the field commander for aviation and US Army Colonel Charlie Beckwith as ground forces field commander.[16] In planning the operation, some of the maps the US used were tourist maps.[17]

The plan was designed so all four main services of the Department of Defense would have a part: Army, Navy, Air Force and the Marine Corps. It was planned that helicopters and C-130 aircraft, following different routes, would rendezvous on a salt flat (code-named Desert One) 200 miles (320 km) southeast of Tehran. Here the helicopters would refuel from the C-130s and pick up the combat troops who had flown in on the C-130 transports. The helicopters would then transport the troops to a mountain location (Desert Two) closer to Tehran, from which the rescue raid would be launched into the city the following night.[13] The operation was further to be supported by an in-country CIA team.[18] On completion of the raid, hostages were to be taken to a captured Tehran airport from where they were to be flown to Egypt.[13]

On 31 March, anticipating the need for military action, a US Air Force Combat Controller, Major John T. Carney Jr., was flown in a Twin Otter to Desert One by covert CIA operatives Jim Rhyne and Claude "Bud" McBroom for a clandestine survey of the proposed landing areas for the helicopters and C-130s. Carney installed remotely operated infrared lights and an IR strobe to outline a landing pattern for the pilots.[Note 2] He also took soil samples to determine the load-bearing properties of the desert surface. At the time of the survey, the salt-flat floor was hard-packed sand, but in the ensuing three weeks an ankle-deep layer of powdery sand had been deposited by sandstorms.[19][21]

The Tehran CIA Special Activities Division in-country paramilitary team, led by retired US Army Special Forces officer Richard J. Meadows, had two assignments: to obtain information about the hostages and the embassy grounds[Note 3] and to transport the rescue team from Desert Two to the embassy grounds in pre-staged vehicles.[18] Desert One was in the South Khorasan Province, in the Dasht-e Lut desert near Tabas (33°04′23″N 55°53′33″E); Desert Two was located 50 miles (80 km) short of Tehran at 35°14′N 52°09′E. A small advanced force infiltrated Tehran and secured a warehouse where five Ford trucks and two Mazda vans with facade compartments that would conceal the assaulters as they went through Iranian checkpoints were kept.

Assault teams

[edit]
Planned and actual routes for Operation Eagle Claw

The ground forces consisted of 93 Delta soldiers to assault the embassy and a 13-man special forces assault team from Detachment "A" Berlin Brigade to assault the Ministry of Foreign Affairs where three further hostages were being held.[23] A third group of 12 Rangers were to act as the roadblock team at the Desert One landing area. Rangers were also tasked with taking and holding the Manzariyeh Air Base near Tehran to be used to escape from Iran. In addition, the CIA had prepared an in-country team of 15 Iranian and American Persian-speakers, most of whom would act as truck drivers.[24]

Ingress

[edit]

The complex plan required that on the first night, three USAF EC-130s (Call signs: Republic 45, and 6), carrying the logistical supplies, and three MC-130E Combat Talons (Call signs: Dragon 12, and 3), carrying Delta Force and Ranger troops (132 assault and security troops in total),[25] would depart Masirah, off the coast of Oman, for Desert One, a flight of over 1,000 miles (1,600 km). They would be refueled by Air Force KC-135 tankers en route. Desert One would be secured by a protection force, and once secured, a refueling area would be established for the helicopters with approximately 6,000 US gallons (23,000 L) of jet fuel being made available from collapsible fuel bladders carried in the C-130s.[26]

Eight United States Navy (USN) RH-53D Sea Stallion (Call signs: Bluebeard 1 – 8)[27] helicopters were positioned aboard USS Nimitz, 60 miles (100 km) off the coast of Iran.[28] The helicopters would fly 600 miles (1,000 km) to Desert One, refuel, load up the Delta Force and part of the Ranger teams, then fly 260 miles (420 km) further to Desert Two. As it would be close to morning, the helicopters and ground forces would hide during the day at Desert Two. The rescue operation would take place the second night.[24]

Rescue raid

[edit]
A-7Es aboard Coral Sea with special identification stripes added specifically for Operation Eagle Claw

First, CIA officers who were already inside Iran would bring trucks they had sourced to Desert Two. Together, the CIA officers and ground forces would then drive from Desert Two into Tehran. This team would assault the embassy and Foreign Affairs building, eliminate the guards, and rescue the hostages, with air support from Air Force AC-130 gunships flying from Desert One. The hostages and rescue team would then rendezvous with the helicopters from Desert Two at the nearby Amjadieh Stadium, where the hostages and rescue teams would board the helicopters.[29]

Egress

[edit]

In parallel to the rescue, an Army Ranger company would capture the abandoned Manzariyeh Air Base,[30] (34°58′58″N 50°48′20″E) about 60 miles (100 km) southwest of Tehran, to allow two C-141 Starlifters[31] to arrive from Saudi Arabia. The helicopters would bring all parties from the stadium to the Manzariyeh airbase, and the C-141s would fly them to an airbase in Egypt. The eight helicopters would be destroyed before departure.

Protection and support

[edit]

Protection for the operation was to be provided by Carrier Air Wing Eight (CVW-8) operating from Nimitz and CVW-14 operating from USS Coral Sea. For this operation, the aircraft bore special invasion stripe identification on their right wings. This was necessary to distinguish support aircraft from Iranian F-14 and F-4 aircraft purchased by Iran from the US in the time of the Shah. CVW-14 Marine F-4Ns were marked with a red (VMFA-323) or yellow (VMFA-531) stripe enclosed by two black stripes while CVW-14 attack aircraft (A-7s and A-6s) had an orange stripe enclosed by two black stripes.[32][33]

The mission

[edit]
Repainted Bluebeard RH-53D helicopters in sand camouflage and without markings aboard USS Nimitz

Only the delivery of the soldiers, equipment and fuel by the C-130 aircraft went according to plan.[34] MC-130 Dragon 1 landed at Desert One at 22:47 local time. The landing was made under blacked-out conditions using the improvised infrared landing light system installed by Carney on the airstrip, visible only through night vision goggles. The heavily loaded Dragon 1 required four passes to determine that there were no obstructions on the airstrip[Note 4] and to align with the runway. Dragon 1 off-loaded the road-watch teams in Jeeps and a USAF Combat Control Team (CCT)[35] to establish a parallel landing zone north of the dirt road and to set out TACAN beacons to guide in the helicopters.

Soon after the first crews landed and began securing Desert One, a civilian Iranian bus with a driver and 43 passengers was stopped while traveling on the road, which now served as the runway for the aircraft. The bus was forced to halt by the Rangers and the passengers were detained aboard Republic 3.[36][Note 5] Minutes after the bus had been stopped, the Rangers in the road-watch team observed a fuel tanker truck, ignoring their orders to halt, bearing down on them.[37] The truck, apparently smuggling fuel, was blown up by the Army Ranger roadblock team using a shoulder-fired rocket as it tried to escape the site. The truck's passenger was killed, but the driver managed to escape in an accompanying pickup truck. As the tanker truck was thought to be engaged in clandestine smuggling, the driver was not considered to pose a security threat to the mission.[38] The resulting fire illuminated the nighttime landscape for many miles around, and provided a visual guide to Desert One for the disoriented incoming helicopters.

Two hours into the flight, RH-53D Bluebeard 6 made an emergency landing in the desert when a sensor indicated a cracked rotor blade.[Note 6] Its crew was picked up by Bluebeard 8 and the aircraft was abandoned in the desert.[39] The remaining helicopters ran into an unexpected weather phenomenon known as a haboob[40] (an enormous, nearly opaque cloud of fine dust). Bluebeard 5 flew into the haboob, but abandoned the mission and returned to the Nimitz when electrical problems disabled flight instruments and flying without visual references proved impossible. The remaining six helicopters reached Desert One, 50 to 90 minutes behind schedule. Bluebeard 2 arrived last at Desert One at 01:00 with a malfunctioning secondary hydraulic system, leaving only one hydraulic system to control the aircraft.[34]

With only five fully serviceable helicopters now remaining to transport the men and equipment to Desert Two (minimum of six aircraft was the planned mission's abort threshold), the various commanders reached a stalemate. Senior helicopter pilot Seiffert refused to use unsafe Bluebeard 2 on the mission, while Beckwith (field commander for ground forces) refused to consider reducing his trained rescue team's size. Kyle (the field aviation commander), therefore, recommended to Vaught that the mission be aborted. The recommendation was passed on by satellite radio to the President. After two and a half hours on the ground, the presidential abort confirmation was received.[41]

Collision and fire

[edit]
Plan sketch of Desert One

Fuel consumption calculations showed that the extra 90 minutes idling on the ground waiting for the abort confirmation order had made fuel critical for one of the EC-130s. When it became clear that only six helicopters would arrive at Desert One, Kyle had authorized the EC-130s to transfer 1,000 US gallons (3,800 L) from the bladders to their own main fuel tanks, but Republic 4 had already expended all of its bladder fuel refueling three of the helicopters and had none to transfer. To make it to the air tanker refueling track without running out of fuel, it had to leave immediately and was already loaded with part of the Delta team. In addition, RH-53D Bluebeard 4 needed additional fuel, requiring it to be moved to the opposite side of the road.[42]

To accomplish both actions, Bluebeard 3 piloted by Maj. James Schaefer[43] had to be moved from directly behind the EC-130. The aircraft could not be moved by ground taxi and had to be moved by hover taxi (flying a short distance at low speed and altitude).[44][Note 7] A Combat Controller attempted to direct the maneuvre from in front of the aircraft but was blasted by desert sand churned up by the rotor. The Controller attempted to back away, which led Bluebeard 3's pilot to mistakenly perceive that his craft was drifting backward (engulfed in a dust cloud, the pilot only had the Controller as a point of reference) and thus attempted to "correct" this situation by applying forward stick to maintain the same distance from the rearward moving marshaller. The RH-53D struck the EC-130's vertical stabilizer with its main rotor and crashed into the EC-130's wing root.[45]

In the ensuing explosion and fire, eight servicemen died: five of the fourteen USAF aircrew in the EC-130, and three of the five USMC aircrew in the RH-53D, with only the helicopter's pilot and co-pilot (both badly burned) surviving.[Note 8] After the crash, it was decided to abandon the helicopters. During the frantic evacuation to the EC-130s by the helicopter crews, unsuccessful attempts were made to retrieve their classified mission documents and destroy the aircraft. The helicopter crews boarded the EC-130s. Five RH-53D aircraft were left behind at Desert One mostly intact, some damaged by shrapnel. They could not be destroyed because they were loaded with ammunition and any fire or explosion would have endangered the EC-130s.[46]

The EC-130s carried the remaining forces back to the intermediate airfield at Masirah Island, where two C-141 medical evacuation aircraft from the staging base at Wadi Abu Shihat, Egypt,[Note 9] picked up the injured personnel, helicopter crews, Rangers, and Delta Force members, and returned to Wadi Kena. The injured were then transported to Landstuhl Army Regional Medical Center in Germany. The following day, after learning about the events at Desert One from the local Iranian news, the Tehran CIA team quietly left Iran, with the Iranians unaware of their presence.[47]

Aftermath

[edit]
Wreckage of one of the destroyed Bluebeard helicopters with an abandoned RH-53D behind

The White House announced the failed rescue operation at 01:00 a.m. the following day (25 April 1980).[48] Iranian Army investigators found eight bodies (eight Americans) and also alleged to have found the body of an Iranian civilian. However, it has been acknowledged that the fuel tank driver near the landing site who refused to stop, and whose tanker truck exploded after being hit by an anti-tank round, managed to leap from his vehicle and escape in a nearby pickup truck which was following;[49][50][51] it was reported that the gas tank truck and a bus with 44 civilians were the vehicles which were stopped at the opposite ends of the dirt road near the Desert One landing site when the C-130 aircraft landed.[49][51] Nine caskets were made, with Ayatollah Sadegh Khalkhali alleging that nine Americans were killed.[52] The American bodies, which were acknowledged to have been numbered at eight,[52] were returned to the United States on 6 May 1980,[52] and buried at various locations across the country. The 44 Iranian civilians taken prisoner on the bus were released and subsequently gave eyewitness accounts of the operation.[38]

Casualties

[edit]

The eight Americans who died included three Marines and five Air Force personnel. On 25 April 1980, Major General Robert M. Bond read a message from President Jimmy Carter at a memorial service commemorating them in Niceville, Florida.[53][54] A memorial honoring them was erected in the Arlington National Cemetery and Carter attended a memorial service there with the families on 9 May.[55] Three of the servicemen who died – Maj. Richard Bakke, Maj. Harold Lewis Jr., and Sgt. Joel Mayo – were buried in the Arlington National Cemetery in a grave marked by a common headstone, located about 25 feet from the group memorial.[56] In addition, five servicemen were injured, One from Valdosta, Georgia (Capt. Lynn McIntosh), including USMC Majors Jim Schaefer, pilot, and Les Petty, co-pilot.[57]

After the termination of the operation and the abandonment of equipment by the infiltration team, the Iranians became aware of the landings as well as the subsequent accident and fire. Mohammad Montazer al-Qaim, Commander of the Yazd Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) went to the scene to investigate reports from locals. At the same time, without knowing of the investigation activities of the IRGC, the Iranian Air Force conducted two observation flights over the incident area. During the first flight, two F-14s flew over the abandoned US equipment and the flight requested permission to fire on the equipment. This was refused by the Iranian command. The next day, Iranian Air Force F-4 fighter jets patrolling the area thought that the American helicopters were about to fly and they fired at the remaining American equipment with direct order from Abolhassan Banisadr (Iran's president at the time) killing Mohammad Montazer al-Qaim.[58]

Political consequences

[edit]

President Carter continued to attempt to secure the hostages' release before his presidency's end. On 20 January 1981, minutes after Carter's term ended, the 52 US captives held in Iran were released, ending the 444-day Iran hostage crisis.[59] US Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance, believing that the operation would not work and would only endanger the lives of the hostages, opted to resign, regardless of whether the mission was successful or not. His resignation was confirmed several days later.[60]

Ruhollah Khomeini condemned Jimmy Carter,[61] and in a speech after the incident, credited God with protecting Iran.[62][63] He said:

"Who crushed Mr. Carter's helicopters? We did? The sands did! They were God's agents. Wind is God's agent ... These sands are agents of God. They can try again!"[64]

The embassy hostages were subsequently scattered across Iran to preclude any second rescue attempt and were released on 20 January 1981, minutes after Ronald Reagan had taken the oath of office, after winning the 1980 election over Carter.[65]

 

HOA LẠC GIỮA RỪNG GƯƠM: NỮ TRỢ TÁ MỸ THĂM TRẠI BU PRANG GIÁNG SINH 1969

Lời mở đầu: Với đam mê về khảo cổ -- có từ thuở nhỏ, tôi đã bỏ nhiều công sức mới tìm lại bài này. Nguyên trước đây nhiều năm, tôi đã đọc 1 bài báo ở đâu đó trên mạng nói về các nữ trợ tá Mỹ thăm 1 căn cứ hỏa lực (CCHL) nào đó ở vùng tây nam Ban Mê Thuột. Tôi đã biết cuối năm 1969, CSBV đã phát động chiến dịch (CD) Bu Prang để tấn công trại này và các CCHL như Ann, Kate, xem hình, v.v... Do vậy từ 2-3 ngày nay tôi cứ gõ chữ "donut dollies visit kate, ann firebases in christmas 1969", v.v... Mạng đã trả lời "donut dollies didn't visit ann, kate firebases in christmas 1969". Cuối cùng tôi thử gõ chữ "donut dollies visit bu prang in christmas 1969" thì ra đúng bài này. Đây là 1 blog của một cựu chiến binh Mỹ. 

Sau đây là phần chuyển ngữ.

ẢNH 1: Ngày Giáng sinh (GS) 1969 tại trại LLĐB Bu Prang ở cao nguyên trung phần của Nam VN (lính bộ binh Mỹ gọi VN là "Nam"). Với 1 thời gian tạm lắng (lull) trong 1 tháng pháo kích mãnh liệt của CS, một ĐT và hai cô trợ tá, còn là Doughnut Dollies của Hồng Thập Tự Mỹ tới bằng trực thăng để ủy lạo chiến sĩ. Những người lính, với biệt danh "Chân Đỏ" (Redlegs) của pháo đội C thuộc 2/17 thuộc Lực lượng 1 Dã chiến đã thấy trẻ em người Thượng bị thương ở trại và người chỉ huy, viết tắt là XO, của họ, đại úy (đ.u.) Coleman tử trận. Ông đ.u. đã thăm họ vào 1 ngày và mang theo tiền lương của họ (dù ông ko phải làm điều này), đã bị trúng pháo kích và chân của trung sĩ của ông này bị cắt rời. Trước khi ông có thể tản thương, Coleman đã chết trong tay âm thoại viên (ATV) của pháo đội C. Hơn 1000 quả đạn đã rơi vào bên trong hàng rào kẽm gai của trại. Trong giai đoạn này, các chàng trai Chân Đỏ luôn kịp thời phóng ra khỏi bunker để điều khiển đại bác phản pháo vào những núi xung quanh. Họ ko bao giờ bị tràn ngập.

ẢNH GIỮA: Pháo đội C và các cô trợ tá

ẢNH CUỐI. Các pháo thủ của Trại Bu Prang, đang uống nước ngọt và ăn bữa tối GS bằng gà tây, v.v... Họ đã hãnh diện, "Chúng tôi bắn như điên," nhưng ko vui về việc công nhận thành tích mà họ phải được hay ko được. Không chỉ vì thời điểm này, truyền thông Mỹ quan tâm nhiều hơn đến một câu chuyện về sự nhục nhã (disgrace) của người Mỹ - đó là Thảm sát Mỹ Lai - hơn là quan tâm đến 100 câu chuyện về gương anh dũng của quân đội Mỹ (tôi đã viết đề tài cho tờ Saigon Post, vì các báo Mỹ ko quan tâm). Nói thêm: đây là nhật báo tiếng Anh tại SG do ông Bùi Diễm thành lập -- ND). Đ.đ. C cũng phàn nàn với tôi việc Lục quân Mỹ đã làm giấy khen (citation) cho từng cá nhân các lính LLĐB dù họ ko ra khỏi bunker của họ trong khi CSBV pháo dữ dội, trong khi những người lính "Chân Đỏ" đã đội pháo để phản pháo chỉ được giấy khen cho cả pháo đội. Điều tôi biết chắc chắn, mặc dù vào thời điểm đó tôi nghiêng về chính trị tự do, là đảng Cộng Sản đang thắng trong cuộc chiến truyền thông và người Mỹ đang thua cuộc. Nhưng phải đến 6 năm sau, trong lúc SG sụp đổ, khi tôi làm phóng viên cho hãng CBS News sau khi nhân viên của họ chạy trốn trong cơn hoảng loạn vì tin đồn sẽ có tắm máu, tôi mới có được những hiểu biết khó quên về quy tắc của trò chơi. Và Walter Cronkite, "phát thanh viên đáng tin cậy nhất của Mỹ, sẽ không bao giờ phát sóng điều đó".

NGUỒN:gringoman.com: Remembering The 'Nam

CÁC ẢNH DƯỚI ĐỀU CHỤP TẠI TRẠI BU PRANG VÀO THỜI ĐIỂM ĐÓ





BÃI ĐÁP KATE Ở GẦN BU PRANG, BỎ HOANG SAU KHI BỊ TẤN CÔNG NGÀY 1/11/1969.

BĐQ VƯƠNG MỘNG LONG Ở CỔNG TRẠI BU PRANG 1969.


San Jose, ngày 22/6/2025, cập nhật ngày 13/8/2025

Tài Trần







============

Christmas Day, 1969 at beseiged Special Forces Camp Bu Prang in the central highlands of South Vietnam(the 'Nam, as the 'grunts' of US Infantry called it,) With a lull in a month of intense Communist shelling, a Colonel and two Doughnut Dollies from the Red Cross arrived by helicopter to greet the soldiers. These  'Redlegs' of  Charley Battery, 2/17th Artillery, First Field Forces  had seen Montagnard children wounded in camp and their own XO (Executive Officer). Captain Coleman killed.  The Captain had visited them  one day with their pay (although he didn't have to)  was hit and his Sergent's leg blown off. Before he could be medevaced,  Captain Coleman died in the arms of Charley Battery's radio man. Over 1400 shells had landed inside  Camp Bu Prang's barbed wire perimeter. During that period the young Redlegs never failed to come out of their bunkers, man the big guns and pour fire back into those surrounding hills. They were never overrun.


MIDDLE FOTO   Charley Battery and the Donut Dollies


BOTTOM FOTO. Gunners at Camp Bu Prang, enjoying some liquid refreshment after their Christmas turkey dinner etc. They were proud, "We shell like hell," but not happy about the recognition they would or would not get. It was not just that the US media at this time was far more interested in a story of American disgrace, the My Lai Massacre, than in a hundred stories of American valor and honor (I covered this story for the Saigon Post, as US editors were not interested.) Charley Battery also claimed to me that the Army would pin individual citations on the Special Forces who remained inside their bunkers during the heavy North Vietnamese bombardments, while giving the 'Redlegs' who came out and manned the guns only a group citation. What I knew for sure, despite leaning to liberal politics at the time, was that the Communists were winning the Media War and Americans were losing it. But it wasn't until almost six years later, during the Fall of Saigon, covering for CBS News after its entire staff fled in the panic of a rumored bloodbath, that I got unforgettable insight into the rules of the game. And Walter Cronkite, "America's most trusted broadcaster," was never going to broadcast it.


BOTTOM FOTO. Charley Battery and the Red Cross Doughnut Dollies

===


 Plei Me Under Siege As a first step in his highl ands campaign, General Man targeted the Special Forces camp at Plei Me, some forty-five kilometers southwest of Pleiku City, certain that his enemies would fi ght to protect a fa cility criti cal to the defense of the province capital. Using two North Vietnamese regiments, Man devised a three-part plan. In the first phase the 33d Regi ment would surround and assault the camp, applying enough pressure to compel the South Vietnamese to send reinforcements. In the second phase the 32d Regimel1t, positioning itself on the only road a relief col unm could take, Route 6C, would ambush and destroy that force. In the third phase the 32d would join the 33d in a final overwhelming push against the camp. Man's troops began preparations for the operation in mid-September. One month later, at sunset on 19 October, the time set for the Plei Me a ttack, they were read y.'O The Plei Me garrison was a varied group, consisting of twelve Ameri can advisers, fourteen South Vietnamese Special Forces troops, and a ClOG unit of over four hundred Montagnard tribesmen. Of these, eighty-fi ve Montagnards and two Americans were on a mission fifteen kilometers northwest of the camp. Another forty Montagnards were con ducting security ambush patrols in its immediate vicinity, and forty more were mmming two listening posts located about two kilometers to the north and southwest of the facility. The remaining members of the garrison were inside the campll The 33d Regiment began its attack at approximately 1900, when some of its troops opened fire on a Montagnard patrol. At 2200 a company of the 33d's 1st Bnttnlion overran the outpost southwest of the ca mp. At the same time, the camp itself came under mortar and recoilless rifle fire. Shortly after midnight the North Vietnamese attacked from the north and northwest. Around 0100 they began a second push from the south and east, penetrating the camp's wire barriers before being turned back. These initial assaults set the pattern for the next several days. Keeping 9 In tervs, Holmes with Larsen, 26 Oct 76, sec. 5, p. 6 (quotation), Senior Officer Oral History Program, MHI, and SandstrLlITI vvith Larsen, 11 Mar 70, p. 11, Historians fil es, CMH. ]0 Wesfem Highlnllds, pp. 23-24; Boyle and SamabriCl, "Lure and An1bush," p. 4; Vinh Loc, Wily Pie; Me? (Pleiku, 1966), p. 59. " Quarterly Cmd Rpt, 1 Oct-31 Dec 65, 5th SF Gp (Abn), 1st SF, incl. 1, p. [I], Historians files, CMH . 99 Stel1lming the Tide Plei Me Special Forces calllP IInder attack one battalion in reserve, the 33d Regiment poured small-arms, mortar, and recoilless rifle fire into the camp while carrying out intermittent probes and larger attacks to maintain the pressure. In response, the ad visers called in fighter-bombers, and the South Vietnamese commander, as Man had expected, requested reinforcements." The first air strikes arrived around 0400 on 20 October, fo llowed by more than a hundred others over the next twenty-six hours, along with airdrops of food and ammunition. During the late evening hours of the twentieth Vinh Loc authorized the creation of a relief force, consisting of elements from an armored cavalry squadron, a ranger battalion, and a few other units. The contingent was to take Highway 14 south to Route 6C and then to turn southwest toward Plei Me. Since the assembly of the task force might take several days, the dispatch of interim reinforce ments seemed imperative. The commander of the 5th Special Forces Group (Airborne), Col. William A. McKean, who was responsible for organizing the relief effort, proposed a parachute drop into the camp, but Vinh Loc's American adviser, Col. Theodore D. Mataxis, rejected the idea. After some discussion, all concerned agreed tha t it would be 12 Ibid., pp. [1- 2]; AA R, Pleiku Campaign, 1st Cay Div (A mbl), 4 Mar 66, p. 18, box 10, 67A/5216, RG 319, NARA; Weste,." Higillnllds, p. 32; Contemporary Historical Evaluation of Combat Operations (CHECO) Rpt, Pacific Air Porces (PACAF), 24 Peb 66, sub: The Siege at Plei Me, pp. 2-3, copy in Historia ns files, CMH. 100 Illto the Highlnnds safer and quicker to land a force by helicopter near the camp and send it overland to Plei Me. One hundred and seventy-five men, the majority South Vietnamese rangers, received the assignment. Colonel McKean selected Maj. Charles A. Beckwith, an expert in long-range reconnais sance, to lead them.13 Beckwith's men landed about five kilometers northeast of Plei Me on the morning of 21 October. They had worked their way to a point near the camp by nightfall, but Major Beckwith decided to delay the final leg of the journey until the fo llowing morning because of the like lihood that the facility's defenders might mistake his men for the enemy in the darkness and open fire. Shortly after sunrise on the twenty second Beckwith instructed his men to "run like hell ... to the gates."I' Surprising the enemy, the move succeeded. Once inside the camp, Beckwith became the senior officer present and took command. Meanwhile, dispatch of the main relief force had been delayed by a disagreement between Vinh Loc and Colonel Mataxis. Mataxis wanted a larger relief force to counter the ambush everyone expected. Vinh Loc, however, considered the attack at Plei Me a possible ruse to lure South Vietnamese forces away from Pleiku, thus leaving the city unprotected. He wanted to do nothing until the situation at Plei Me became clear. On 22 October General Larsen broke the stalemate by promising Vinh Loc that American troops would ensure the safety of Pleiku if he would com mit his reserves to Plei Me's defense. A short while later the South Viet namese general increased the size of the relief force by two battalions. Larsen reciprocated by ordering General Kinnard to dispatch a battal ion task force, including an artillery battery, to Pleiku. Kinnard sent his division's 2d Battalion, 12th Cavalry, under the command of Lt. Col. Earl Ingram (see Mnp 7).15 Then, seeing an opportunity for combat, Kinnard obtained permis sion on 23 October to transfer his entire 1st Brigade to Pleiku. Under acting commander Lt. Col. Harlow G. Clark, elements of the brigade began the move that day by Caribou transport. By evening Colonel Clark's headquarters, the 2d Battalion, 8th Cavalry, and two artillery batteries had joined Colonel Ingram's force at the province capital. Clark's unit had two missions: to provide artillery support for the relief column and to prepare a reaction force for commitment to the camp. In the meantime, Vinh Loc added one of his two reserve battalions to the relief force, increasing its size to some fourteen hundred men. Follow ing the column's departure for Plei Me, he moved his other reserve bat 13 Charlie A. Beckwith and Donald Knox, Delta Force (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983), pp. 62- 72. See also Quarterl y Cmd Rpt, 1 Oct-31 Dec 65, 5th SF Gp, 1st SF, inc!. 1, p. [2]. 14 Beckwith and Knox, Delfa Force, p. 67. 15 Coleman, Pleikll, p. 76; AAR, Pleiku Campaign, 1st Cav Div, p. 18; Interv, SandstruITI with Larsen, 11 Mar 70, p. 13; Vinh Loc, Wily Pie; Me? I p. 61; Kinnard, "Victory in the la Drang," p. 73. 101 Stemmillg tlte Tide PLEI ME AND THE PURSUIT 19 October-6 November 1965 ~ Ground Movement +-_ _ Air Assault Enemy Retreat Engagement ELEVATION IN METERS ! o ! ,.. 500 800 and Above 10 Miles ~~~~J-"r-----' 10 Kilometers • MAP 7 talion, a ranger unit, by helicopter several kilometers west of what he suspected would be the ambush site. It had orders to sweep toward the highway on command.'· On the twenty-third the relief column made its way cautiously, ap proaching the edge of the suspected ambush zone around 1700. Armored personnel carriers and M41 tanks headed up the column, with infantry on the flanks and with supply trucks and a small infantry force trailing about two kilometers behind. Around 1800 small-arms, recoilless rifle, and mortar fire tore into the leading elements of the task force. The tanks and armored personnel carriers wheeled to the right and left of the road,

 n October 1965, White was a 31-year-old first lieutenant in Project DELTA, a clandestine Special Forces reconnaissance unit. He was among those who joined in the rescue attempt at the Siege of Plei Me, during which he was wounded in a ferocious firefight – an experience Saliba describes in harrowing detail.

He praised Saliba’s book.”It was really educational for me because I didn’t know about the background, the build-up to Plei Me,” White said. “He did all that research.”

But White said he knew the risk he was taking heading to Plei Me.

“I knew it was going to be bad out there, and when I got wounded and left alone for a time, my chances of getting out of there looked pretty slim to me,” White said.

So what motivated him?

Tragedy and Heroism of the Vietnam War

“It was a Special Forces team, under siege,” White said. “We always tried to look after our own. From the time I enlisted in the Army in 1951, it was part of being a soldier.”

Saliba said he found that same sentiment in his research.

“The response I got from both the guys on the ground and the guys in the air was: They would do it for us. They needed us, and so we were going to be there for them. That was our job, that is what we were going to do, to do whatever we could to help them.”


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Saliba has written about Vietnam for some 20 years, even though at 53, he is far too young to have fought in it-or even to be that aware of it while it was going on.

He said the tragedy and heroism of the war is what drew him to it and kept him interested in exploring it.

“My generation, those kids who came up in the ’80s, were maybe the first ones to see that the Vietnam vets were not well-treated,” he said. “It was almost like a dirty secret. It always rubbed me the wrong way.”

As a young journalist in Albany, Ga., he interviewed a veteran of the battle at la Drang, which was told in the 2002 movie “We Were Soldiers,” starring Mel Gibson. It took place just weeks after the siege of Plei Me, which is considered the prelude to that clash.

While the veteran, unhappy with how Vietnam vets had been portrayed, was initially reluctant to speak, he eventually told his story to the reporter. And he and Saliba became friends.

“Hopefully, I fulfilled my pledge to be respectful and, at the same time, tell the story,” Saliba said.

La Drang was the subject of a book by war correspondent Joe Galloway, on which the Mel Gibson movie was based. Saliba interviewed Galloway about Ple Me, and Galloway gave him a nice cover blurb for his book, saying, “This story has it all, Keith Saliba has done them all proud.”

In graduate school, Saliba’s master’s thesis was on Esquire magazine’s coverage of Vietnam, from writers such as Michael Herr (“Dispatches”) and John Sack.

He’s since contributed to a series of books on the war and has researched the psychological effects of the 1969 Tet Offensive.

Saliba said he’s thinking of next tackling a book on the rise of fall of ISIS in the Middle East. But he’s not likely done with Vietnam.

“There were so many different layers, so much nuance. It was just fascinating. And obviously, the longer you pay attention to something, the more comfortable you feel about writing about it,” he said. “Vietnam always keeps calling me back.”

Read About Other Battlefield Chronicles

If you enjoyed learning about the Siege of Plei Me, we invite you to read about other battlefield chronicles on our blog. You will also find military book reviewsveterans’ service reflectionsfamous military units and more on the TogetherWeServed.com blog.  If you are a veteran, find your military buddies, view historic boot camp photos, build a printable military service plaque, and more on TogetherWeServed.com today.

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Tags: Army Special Forcesbattle at la Drangcamp at Plei MeDeath in the Highlands: The Siege of Special Forces Camp Plei MeEuell WhiteHo Chi Minh trailISISJ. Keith SalibaJacksonville UniversityJoe GallowayJohn SackKeith SalibaMel GibsonMichael HerrProject DELTASiege of Plei MeTet OffensiveVietnamVietnam vetsWhite

2 Comments

  1. Robert Comegys

    USN 1969-1973, an era vet who will always count my blessings for assignments outside of Vietnam. I am very encouraged to discover that writers like Keith Saliba and a generation of writers and students from the 80’s have been inspired to rise up and see right done on behalf of the Vietnam combat and support vets. All thinking Americans need to know much more about our historical involvement in the Vietnam war, and to understand that ill-founded shaming of our Vietnam vets can be corrected and healed through unbiased knowledge of what our people endured, sacrificed and suffered in their call to duty.

    Reply
  2. David Casas

    Where was Plei Me in relation to The Ia Drang Valley ? I was with A-1-8, 1st brigade of the 4th division from late ‘66 until late ‘67, and the first time we went through there, we saw the Special Forces camp that was hit earlier, and it was frightening to just see. There were no NVA there during that visit, but the next time we weren’t so lucky. Another great account can be found in a documentary titled “Honor in the Valley of Tears” which can be found through “ Google. Another is a paperback titled “Nine Days in May”

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