Chúng tôi khẳng định một chân lý hiển nhiên rằng mọi người sinh ra đều bình đẳng, rằng tạo hóa đã ban cho họ những quyền tất yếu và bất khả xâm phạm, trong đó có quyền sống, quyền được tự do và mưu cầu hạnh phúc . . . (Lời Mở Đầu Của Tuyên Ngôn Độc Lập Mỹ)
Tuesday, May 13, 2025
Life on Firebase Six - 1969
by David L. Mull
Fire Support Base Six (FSB 6) was located in the Central Highlands of the Republic of Vietnam in the vicinity of Kontum, near the borders of Cambodia and Laos. It was possible to view both these from Firebase Six even thoughthe jungle looked the same on both sides of the border and it was difficult to distinguish where the border was.
The mission of the Field Artillery Battery located on FSB 6 was to provide fire support for U.S. and allied units in the area. Survival on the firebase was possible, but most of the time not very comfortable, it was downright aggravating, but the ingenuity and flexibility of young American Soldiers is unlimited.
FSB 6 was only about three hundred meters long and two hundred meters wide. The soldiers of B Battery, 1st Battalion, 92nd Field Artillery lived in this small area. The position consisted of six M114A1 (155mm) Howitzers, a Fire Direction Center (FDC) and mess facilities. Additionally, the Command Post, a helicopter landing pad and other facilities necessary for survival in combat occupied this small mountain top. It was a rugged looking place to say the least. To a 19 year old private just out of AIT at Fort Sill, this place seemed like the end of the world. I had no idea when I arrived there that I would spend eight out of the 12 months of my tour in Vietnam on this firebase.
The general living conditions on FSB 6 were not great, but they were toleable. The bunkers were constructed of perforated steel plating (PSP), sandbags, timbers or logs and either elephant hide or ponchos for waterproofing. We also discoveed that half of a large culvert made an excellent bunker. It was waterproof so all you had to do was sandbag it and build a blast wall for cover at each end. At times, the rain seemed like a greater enemy than the NVA; it was with us more frequently. We could never get dry. As soon as you put a pair of dry fatigues on, the FDC sent down a fire mission.
I arrived at FSB 6 in May, 1969. Duringmy first weeks I got very little sleep. It rained constantly and we fired hundreds of fire missions. On 9 May, 1969, at 1035 hours Dak To, FSB 6 and Ben Het began receiving constant standoff attacks. During the weeks that followed, these three positions received a total of 397 incoming rounds of almost every caliber in the enemy arsenal. The battery continued to provide fire support to the maneuver forces and counterfire despite the devasting attacks. The month of June brought no respite for the beseiged Ben Het-Dak To region. By the week of 7-13 June 1969 it became apparent that the enemy was turning the brunt of its attack toward Ben Het. Throughout the battle of Ben Het, the 1st Battalion, 92nd Artillery expended 49,041 rounds against enemy forces estimated to be in excess of 5,000. This indoctrination provided me an excellent opportunity to enhance my gunnery skills and figure out what was going on in the Field Artillery.
The nights were very long interrupted by numerous firemissions. We were fortunate if we could get a few minutes of sleep each night. Days were spent maintaining our equipment, receiving ammunition and firing more missions. We kept this pace up for two months.
We had to be ready at all times to deliver fire. To do this the Cheif of the firing batteryand the XO would lay the battery each evening, just before dark, on azimuths of 6400 and 3200 mils. We would then emplace our aiming post at a deflection of 2400 mils. I have never seen the technique that we used in a book, but it worked. Azimuth markers were emplaced every 400 mils around the parapet to make it easier for us to get on the correct azimuth. The M12-seruespanoramic telescope was used on the M114A1. All a gunner had to do was remember 2400, 5600 and 8800 and he could calculate the base deflection for any azimuth. If the azimuth of fire was less than 2400 he subtracted it from 2400; if it was greater than 2400 but less than 5600 he subtracted it from 5600; and if it was greater than 5600 he subtracted it from 8800.
To lay the howitzer, the gunner placed the calculated deflection on the pantel and shfted trails until the vertical hair line in the panoramic telescope was on the aiming post. A speedjack was used to make it easy to shift trails to any azimuth. All the Cheif of Smoke had to do was to give us a safety check from the safety circle and we were ready to fire. This was an extremely fast method of laying without using an aiming circle.
To stabilize the howitzer in position, we drug in heavy timbers that the spades could push against to keep the hositzer in the center of the pit. After the fire mission, we could tilt the speedjack to the rear, jack the howitzer down, and it wold pull the spades out of the mud and the howitzer back to the center of the firing pad which we had constructed in the middle of the pit. On my second tour in Vietnam, we used a M88 track in our pit. We dug in until only the top was above the ground, and connected it into a continuous circle around the pit. This worked even during monsoon season, and was very good for a permanent firebase. However, it was impractical if you displaced frequently.
The only way to reach FSB 6 was by helicopter. All resupply had to be done by air. This was satisfactory most of the time, but during the monsoon season, heavy fog would make it impossible for aircraft to reach the firebase. These conditions would normally only last a few days, but sometimes lasted for weeks. When this happened, we ate a lot of C-rations and used our ponchos to catch rain water for use, and stored it in powder canisters.
In the dry season, we found that a VT fuse can, or powder canister with small holes punched in the bottom of it, served as a pretty good shower. We heated the water by leaving the canister on top of our bunker, letting the sun's warmth heat the water.
We lived with a constant threat of sapper, mortar, artillery and recoiless rifle attacks on our position. Recoiless rifle attacks were the most common form of harassment. With experience, it became second nature to get into a hole, bunker or wherever you could when you heard the shout, "Incoming!" I consider myself lucky to be assigned to the hositzer section that returned fire on the recoiless rifle positions. My section was always called on to return the enemies fire. After being fired upon for several days from a ridge just to the west of us, we nicknamed the ridge "Rocket Ridge." The fires we were receiving were from a recoiless rifle. Each time Charlie fired at us, we would return twenty or so high-explosive projectiles in his direction with various fuse types. Our fires never seemed to suppress him. Charlie managed to knock out a helicopter that was bringing in supplies, put a round through our mess hall and wound a few of our soldiers. We tried air strikes but Charlie continued to reappear each day to shoot at us.
Finally, a special forces team, with "tunnel rats," left the firebase on a mission to capture the recoiless rifle position. The team returned with the recoiless rifle. That ended our problems from "Rocket Ridge." But that's how well the NVA could dig into a position and be able to sustain artillery as well as air strikes.
The Defensive perimeter was manned by soldiers of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). We pulled howitzer pit guard but never perimeter guard. The perimeter was made of concertina wire, and we employed trip flares, claymore mines and tangle foot. It looked impassable, but believe me, it wasn't. The ARVN Soldiers had dug a ditch all the way around the top of the mountain. Their fighting positions and living areas were inside the ditch. The parapet we built around our howitzer was high enough to protect the howitzer from enemy direct fire. I also provided us with a fighting position if the situation warranted it. Ammunition bunkers lined the inside of the parapet with blast walls in front of them to protect the ammunition from the blast of incoming rounds.
Even though FSB 6 will never be the subject of a movie, to the men that manned the howitzers of B Battery, 1st Battalion, 92nd Field Artillery, there will always be vivid memories of it. I can still remember seeing men cry as they left the firebase upon completion of their tour in Vietnam. There was something about sharing hardships on the firebase that developed a bond between the artillerymen serving there that will last forever.
David L. Mull Retired as a Command Sergeant Major
Monday, May 12, 2025
Humor in a Near Death Experience
by (Lt.) Henry Hickman
Occasionally, even in an armed conflict, there is humor in being wounded.
One form of entertainment that I have always enjoyed is the old, silent, black and white comedies such as Keaton and Chaplin. The top of the list falls to the Keystone Cops. It seems that in every episode, at least once, there's someone who falls or is knocked into a mud hole. What tickles my funny bone is the manner in which they end up in the hole. But funnier yet is that stupid expression on the individuals face as he is spitting mud out. Unbeknownst to me at the end of February 1968, I would find myself in a similar situation, but the hole I ended up in did not have mud in it.
At the end of December, 1967, the artillery unit that I was stationed with was moved to a Fire Support Base fourteen (14) kilometers west-southwest of Dak To, Vietnam. This base was called LZ Dogbone. When viewed from the air you could see how it got its name. Two bald, dirt knolls with a saddle in between situated on a valley plateau between two mountain ranges, due east and west. Three kilometers west of the base, the plateau plunged into a deep valley that butted up to the west range of mountains. The infantry perimeter around the base was shaped just like the dog biscuit you see advertised on TV or on the grocery shelves, hence the name.
They placed our firing battery on the western knoll and it took us a couple of days to finally get settled in. During those two days, things were quiet and there wasn't any enemy action going on around us. I had just finished a book about the French defeat by the Viet Minh at Dien Bien Phu back in the 1950's, this place reminded me of the same position the French had been in, in a valley with mountains basically all around. Needlesss to say, this did not give me a very comforting feeling. The closest friendlies were fourteen (14) kilometers away and it was just us, in the artillery and one (1) infantry company in this position.
The third day fortified my "gut" feelings; about two (2) in the afternoon, three (3) mortar rounds hit the fire base, luckily no one got hurt. One thing about mortar rounds is that when they hit the ground and explode, they leave a pattern that will give you a general idea as to the direction they came from. By the time we left this base, we had fired enough artillery rounds to almost denude this forest from due west to due south, three kilometers out.
As it got nearer to the Chinese New Year (Tet) the mortar attacks became more frequent and sometimes there was more than one a day. This was not a great moral builder for any of us. We couldn't understand why they had put us in this position, the infantry hardly left the fire base on sweeps, and then they only went out a couple of kilometers and came back to the base. This basically left the area around us free for the enemy to come and go as he pleased. To this day it still baffles me as to why they ever put us in that position. During our whole stay there, not one major ground action by American or Vietnamese forces took place in or around the area that would be covered by our artillery howitzers. In the ocurse of this stay we had one kid killed (Bob Alexander) and five wounded, for what?
Finally on the evening of February 28th a radio message came in that we would be leaving this place and going back to Dak To to convoy back to base camp for a month, we had been in the field for nine (9) months. You can't know just how happy we were to get that message. This place had been a "Hell Hole", dirty, mortar attacks and a feeling of despair, "God" I was glad to be leaving it. The only good thing about it was that we hadn't had the experience of a ground attack by enemy infantry.
The next morning about 0800hrs the choppers started coming in to pick up personnel and our howitzers. With our equipment and the altitude that we were at, it usually took almost six (6) hours to completely get us moved off of a fire base. Because this base was totally void of vegetation, we wore gas masks so we could keep the flying dirt and debris out of our eyes that was churned up every time a chopper hovered to pick up something. Every time a chopper would hover, mortar rounds would hit the base, so this really created more havoc and of course really created adrenaline flow. And each time you hit the ground and swore thinking to yourself, "God, get me off this blankety blank place".
At last, about 1 pm a chopper came in to pick up the last howitzer. I and my radio operator (I think it was Grasso from Seattle) were standing on the north east portion of the west knoll as the chopper lifted up this howitzer and left, again mortar rounds. I told the operator to get his stuff and get over to the other knoll so we could get on another chopper to get out of there. As he headed down the saddle I took off my gas mask and put it in its case. I started to turn to go pick up my stuff and it felt like someone with a big foot kicked me from the rear. The next thing I remember is that I'm spread eagle face down in a hole, spitting grit and dirt out of my mouth. My left arm is mumb and as I looked at my elbow, its scraped up, so I figured I'd hit my "crazy bone" when I hit the ground. I looked back over my shoulder and about fifteen feet behind me is a hole (mortar round) still smoking. About then, Armstrong a kid in the ammo section jumped in the hole with me. His eyes were big as saucers, and fear was written all over his face. He asked me if I was hit, I told him that I didn't think so, the shock hadn't worn off yet. I'll never forget what Armstrong then said, "Sir, let's get the blank of this place". I told him to get over to the other knoll. I got up and walked over to get my equipment. Suddenly I realized that I couldn't pick anything up with my left arm.
Finally, after struggling with a steel pot, a M-16, a rut sack, and a waterproof bag, I got everything in my right arm. As I wobbled down the saddle, heading for the other knoll, I suddenly felt something warm flowing down my left arm. As I looked down at my arm, it didn't take a rocket scientist to tell me that I had been hit.
When I finally got back to Dak To, I was as green as the jungle fatigues I had on. Luckily the mortar fragment had gone clean through the meaty portion of the inside of my arm pit. Luckier still, by being uphill from where the round hit, I probably would have ended up paralyzed or worse, in a body bag.
Now, I look back at that day and kind of chuckle, because I'm sure that I looked exactly like one of those characters in the Keystone Cop films. I would give anything to have a picture of the look on my face as I was spitting dirt out of my mouth, I'll never know.
Maj EJ Torrance RNZIR 1970 [Gundersen]Operations ROSS and MARSDEN
By November 24th we had completed nine days of pre operational training and were ready to join the other companies of 6 Royal Australian Regiment (RAR)/NZ (ANZAC) Battalion that had been in theatre for just over six months. At that time they were deployed on Operation Ross in an Area of Operation (AO) known as Linton. On the 24th we air assaulted by Iroquois helicopters into An Thuan Bien with the task of re-searching the area of the padi fields south of Xuyen Moc. Everyone was very keen but at the same time cautious. We didn’t have to wait long before the first report of a contact was signalled to company headquarters. On our second day out Lt Bill Blair’s 1 Platoon was setting up an ambush when a lone Viet Cong (VC) surprised the sentry and was able to make his escape minus his pack. We don’t know who got the biggest fright but it quickly reinforced the need for constant alertness and the doubling of sentries to give soldiers the reassurance that they sometimes need to open fire. During the next five days all platoons found signs of the enemy in the shape of abandoned camps, caches and tracks. It was a good settling down operation and we were confident that we would give a good account of ourselves in the days ahead. The company was moved into Fire Support Base (FSPB) Discovery to prepare for the next operation.
Our next operation was code named Marsden and planned for the AO designated as Gulliver. The AO lay astride the main VC approach and resupply routes into the Phuoc Tuy Province from the North. Of particular interest to our Australian CO, Lt Col David Butler, was the Nui May Tao hills to the east of the allocated AO. For some years these hills had served as a logistic and supply area for the VC. The intelligence indicated that we might be onto something big in this area and all the W3 disembarking at FSPB Picton [Young]company commanders were keen to have a piece of the action. I remember being very disappointed when the company tasks were allotted. We were being sent off in the opposite direction to everyone else. Obviously, as far as the CO was concerned, this was a job for the old hands and the new boys would have to wait their turn. The operation began December 1st with our company being airlifted from FSPB Discovery to the newly established FSPB Picton in AO Gulliver.
W3 disembarking at FSPB Picton [Young]
When we landed FSPB Picton was still in the throes of being developed. Everywhere you looked there was a hive of activity. With so much air activity the area was a constant dust cloud. We all looked up in amazement through the haze when the first Sky Crane helicopter appeared carrying a bulldozer suspended on steel wire ropes. It looked like a giant praying mantis carrying some prey that it had plucked off the ground. Such was the down draft and dust that we decided to move our perimeter defence further away from the developing base.
Our initial direction of movement was to the southwest towards the Song Rai and Suoi Loc streambeds. The terrain was fairly flat but difficult to move through. The area had been defoliated some time earlier, probably with Agent Orange, and the secondary growth was thick and matted. It was very hot and shade was limited. The sooner we got into the shade afforded by the natural trees the better it would be for everyone. We didn’t have long to wait before the first incident reports started to roll in. Lt John Fisher’s 3 Platoon was first off the cab rank with reports of recent enemy presence and the finding of caches of grenades, mines, and Bangalore torpedoes (explosives in a long pipe and used to blow a path through wire fences and minefields). Once we reached the Song Rai we changed direction and followed the line of the stream to the north. It was on the Song Rai that we made our first major contact with the VC. 1 Platoon drew first blood and when the firefight was over three VC had been eliminated. Hardly a day went by without some form of incident. Our first medical evacuation by air in an Iroquois air ambulance codenamed “Dustoff” was for a soldier with a poisoned foot. Then there were the discovery of bunkers, camping equipment, ammunition, more mines, food and documents. There was never a dull day. On December 11th a reconnaissance patrol from 2 Platoon, led by Sgt Dave Heywood, came across an enemy camp late in the afternoon. They reported fires, the smell of cooking, and the sound of female voices and estimated there could be 30-40 occupying the site. We decided to attack at first light from one direction and use the artillery and helicopter gun ships to cover possible escape routes. The assault resulted in one VC killed and the capture of numerous weapons. The enemy had a well-concealed escape route along the dry riverbed and was probably making their escape by the time that we launched the attack. When it was all over the gun ships hovered over our position for some time and appeared reluctant to leave. Our company radio operator, Cpl Peter Glendinning, called me over to the radio and informed me that the pilots wanted to know whether they could get their hands on some of the AK47 rifles that we had captured. I promised them that I would look into it when we returned to base. I didn’t have the heart to tell the American pilots that trading captured weapons was a big no-no in the Task Force. We later found out that the group in the camp came from the Ba Long Rear Services and the Ba Long Province Procurement Section.
After the assault we continued to patrol and search the general area of the camp without finding anything of significance. As a result weentrance to VC cache [Philips] were redeployed by helicopter to an area east of the Nui May Tao hills to follow the movements of B Company. At the same time 1 Platoon was given a separate task of moving to FSPB Picton to assist with its security. We were tasked to check again and see if we could locate a reported prisoner of war camp and munitions factory. Intelligence information had suggested that some USAF aviators could have been held captive in the area. Documents that we found indicated that there could have been installations of these types in the area, but nothing of real importance was discovered. We stayed in this area conducting patrols and ambushing until December 27th when we were extracted by helicopter to Nui Dat. The extraction brought Operation Marsden to a close.
entrance to VC cache [Philip]
During Operation Marsden I recorded these general observations that at the time were interesting: There was no water available from local sources. As a result all water had to be airlifted in four-gallon plastic jerry cans. The days were very hot but the temperature plummeted at night. I had to use a blanket in the early hours of the morning! Days went by with much the same routine and as a result we had difficulty remembering whether it was Wednesday or Sunday. Our signallers always knew so they ran the company headquarters guessing competition as to which day of the week it was. Our field rations were excellent. On resupply day we would get a hot meal from our own cookhouse and a mixture of American and Australian dry rations to see us through to the next resupply. I was amused that even cigars were available for those who wanted them! On Xmas day we were in the field. War like activities were reduced to a minimum to take advantage of parcels provided by the good folk of Raglan in the Waikato.
On December 27th I spoke to the whole company soon after arriving back in Nui Dat. This is what I said taken word for word from my Field Message and Notebook (Aust Military Forces (AMF) AAB 64. “Congratulations on the way you have worked during the past 34 days of our first operation – and I include our cooks, Q staff and the base element. Perhaps not as successful as we would have liked, however judged on the standards set by our predecessors it is well up there. During this period of backslapping I wish to issue a note of warning. Far too many of you still look upon the operations as an exercise – you must be constantly aware of the VC threat. Talking, coughing, banging mess tins and unnecessary loud chopping and digging noises all too frequent. Make a point of cutting down the noise level. General security – bunching, sentries not alert and “coffee housing” – we need to improve. Handling of firearms and explosives – no unauthorised discharges so keep it up – look at the placement of grenades on your webbing. Speed of movement – a command problem to control but endeavour to cut down the speed of movement. Behaviour in base. War is a man’s game – it is a unique experience for us all – we are ambassadors for our country – therefore as we are a small group our behaviour both good and bad is noticed – be on your best behaviour in this base – obey the rules – take it easy – act like grown men and enjoy yourself without going overboard – don’t touch arms or ammo, pyrotechnics etc as they could lead to death – don’t steal vehicles. Only by being well behaved will we win the respect and admiration of the other companies and the Australians. Rumours – don’t spread them. Identity discs to be worn at all times”.
A Late Christmas2Pl waiting at Eagle Farm LZ control facility for the arrival of helicopters [Philip]
We didn’t have to wait long before being deployed again – all of two days! The operation was called Bluewater and the AO called Drury. The idea was for the battalion to keep a company in the area between December 30th and January 7th 1970. On the 30th we were airlifted into a landing zone (LZ) on the Suoi Lo O Lon from whence we began to search to the northeast. We had been led to believe that up to 100 VC had been sighted in the area. Well, after three days of continuous movement and no sign of recent VC occupation we were extracted to Nui Dat.
2Pl waiting at Eagle Farm LZ control facility for the arrival of helicopters [Philip]
We all felt that we had been on a three-day route march and were looking forward to the belated celebration of Christmas and New Year on 1 January 1970.
Our base element looked after us very well. There was plenty to drink and a great range of excellent food. Sgt Ted Gorman had mentioned to me that he had a couple of turkeys in the oven for our festive season lunch. Two turkeys for 120 hungry soldiers didn’t sound right so I asked him why so few turkeys? He invited me to the kitchen to have a look at the American birds in the oven. There before me were the biggest turkeys I have laid eyes on – there was only room for one per oven. And yes, there was plenty of turkey meat and other goodies to go around. We all had a very relaxing time and Paul Edmonds the NZ Ambassador in Saigon joined us for lunch. Even had some Deep Cove beer that wasn’t too bad!
Operation Napier
Our next deployment commenced January 10th and was named Operation Napier. On that day we air assaulted into a LZ in preparation for a battalion cordon and search of Ap Ngai Giao village on Route 2. By last light on January 11th the cordon had been closed and a detailed search of the village had been started. We were part of the outer perimeter and never got the opportunity to see the village or any of its inhabitants. My lasting memory of this part of the operation was slipping over crossing a stream and receiving a good soaking, including my spare clothes. As a result I spent an uncomfortable night in the cordon where we were not able to cook and carry out our normal night time routine. We heard later that the search of the village didn’t turn up anything of major significance. If anything it probably alienated the inhabitants and made them less likely to support us in the future. On the 13th we moved out of the cordon area by APC to an area to the west of FSPB Peggy.
Operation Napier continued without a break to February 12th. Little did we know at the outset that this deployment would be the most action packed of our tour. Hardly a day went by without an incident involving the VC. It was also the first time that we were to suffer severe casualties to our own personnel. The first major contact was made by 3 Platoon when they captured a platoon commander of a finance platoon and killed a VC. The next day the CO 1RNZIR in Singapore, Rob Williams, made an overnight visit to our company headquarters and his training warrant officer, who accompanied him, stayed on for an extra couple of days. This was by way of a reminder that routine visits went ahead in the field despite the fact that there were a number of VC about. A few days later a Chiu Hoi (former VC soldier who had agreed to work for the Vietnamese Government) joined us. They were particularly useful in giving us guidance about VC operational techniques and interpreting the significance of installations and equipment that we discovered. But of course we couldn’t always rely on the information that they gave. It was a matter of making our own judgment as to the veracity of their advice. This Chiu Hoi was sent off to join 3 Platoon.
At this time the platoons were operating independently some two to three thousand metres from the Coy HQ base which was static. The reason for Coy HQ to remain in one place was twofold. Firstly, the area that we have been allocated is not large. Secondly, a fair proportion of the area is rubber estate, some of which is still being tapped. Strangely enough we had difficulty communicating with each other in rubber with the signals reluctant to “bounce” off the rubber trees. By staying put we are able to deploy larger aerials above the rubber tree canopy. We had sufficient personnel at Coy HQ to mount a fighting patrol most days and there was never any shortage of volunteers. It was a good way of keeping everyone sharp and alert and there was always the chance of making a contact with the VC! Back in Nui Dat there was little for the Assault Pioneers to do so they were assigned to our company for tasking. Purely by chance I put them in an area that would prove to be very active and, as a result, was chided by my platoon commanders for having allotted them such a productive zone. They were allocated call sign 62 and made 13 eliminations while under our command. Our Coy HQ base location covered a natural clearing that we used as a LZ [landing zone]. A machine gun post was permanently manned and its arc of fire covered the LZ. Shortly after an Iroquois had left from the LZ two VC were seen to approach the LZ making directly for the company base. They were engaged and killed. One of them was carrying a US Army issue hand torch in near brand new condition. One of the torch filters had been hand carved in the shape of a star and his name was on a piece of paper wedged into the base. I still have that US Army/VC torch.
A 24-hour truce was put in place in Vietnam to coincide with Chinese New Year or Tet as it is called. During that period there was no gunfire, no aircraft movement and no patrolling. We were pretty sure that the VC would have used the truce to move about unhindered – that is, if they knew a truce was in force! On January 28th 1 Platoon had a contact which resulted in our first casualties. During the contact a soldier threw a grenade which rebounded off a tree and resulted in four men being hit by fragments. They were evacuated to the Australian 1 Field Hospital at Vung Tau. Fortunately none of them were seriously hurt and all returned to their platoon some time later. This embarrassing accidental wounding of our own soldiers was partly offset by the fact that we captured a VC in the same action.Pte David Wright RNZIR - DOW 19 March 1970
Our good fortune wasn’t to last much longer. January 30th was a sad day for us all. At 1120 hours Bob Upton’s 2 Platoon made contact with armed VC and wounded one. They followed up the blood trail and were ambushed by a group of about six. This resulted in two of the platoon being seriously wounded. David Wright died March 19th in Australia from the wounds that he had received January 30th and Dave McLeod was evacuated to NZ with gunshot wounds to his thigh and arm. Two VC were killed in this action. The serious wounding of two of our soldiers made us all take a reality check. I reemphasized to the platoon commanders the need for constant vigilance and careful appreciation of the situation before committing soldiers to the pursuit of VC.
Pte David Wright RNZIR - DOW 19 March 1970
The next major incident involved 3 Platoon on February 8th. A VC group made contact with the last man in the platoon patrol formation. The VC had obviously mistaken our soldier for one of theirs and tried to start up a conversation in Vietnamese. Our “tail end Charlie” quickly summed up the situation and replied with rifle fire. When the firefight was over three VC lay dead. A check of the equipment and rations that they were carrying revealed Australian issue mosquito nets and ration packs. It would be fascinating to do an audit to determine how they came to have these Australian sourced items. On February 12th we were back in Nui Dat preparing for our move to the Horseshoe.
I took the opportunity as soon as we had returned to Nui Dat to speak to the entire company. The notes that I wrote before the talk are as follows: “Speak for 10 minutes then invite questions. I want to talk about the two wars – a. VC b. Liquor and the consequence of over indulgence. first the VC. Congratulations everyone on the way you have worked on the past operation. Over 20 eliminations to the company – 30 if the Assault Pioneers total added. Own Casualties – Two. Pray that Dave McLeod and David Wright will make rapid recovery to full fitness in short time. Not a time to sit back and gloat. Overconfidence only leads to fall in standards and security. 2nd Liquor. 90% of non-operational problems stem from over indulgence in alcohol. It should be your aim, for it is mine, to ensure that as few members as possible get themselves into trouble. Blind eye turned over Xmas/New Year. As we are in an operational zone certain rules must be obeyed – drink only in the canteens provided – drinking in lines strictly forbidden”.
About this time I wrote an assessment of the situation in Vietnam and this is what I penned. “We are reasonably optimistic about the outcome of the war. There are not all that many VC about now and those that are around have very low morale and exist by stealing food from the villages as a lot of them are close to starvation level. Around us at the moment are about 10-12 battalions made up of Aust, ARVN and US forces. Apparently the US and ARVN forces have next to no VC in their areas so they have come here to try and catch what few we have. The VC are expected to mount a Tet offensive any day but it is difficult to see how he can possibly succeed. We have a number of ex VC working for us as scouts. They are really amazed and naturally delighted to find out that the US and Allied Forces aren’t as sadistic as they had been led to believe”.
Horseshoe Deployment.extinct volcano with collapsed wall at south end gave the feature the 'horseshoe' name. Dark plantation top left is Nui Dat [Young]
As planned we deployed to the Horseshoe Hill on February 15th. This heavily defended hill feature some 15 kilometres SE from Nui Dat was to become our home for the next six weeks at least.
extinct volcano with collapsed wall at south end gave the feature the 'horseshoe' name. Dark plantation top left is Nui Dat [Young]
Besides being responsible for its defence we were to undertake the training of ARVN soldiers – something very different from the routine patrolling and ambushing that we had been doing. We had quite a challenge in store. The Horseshoe was a dormant volcano “horseshoe” in shape and only 80 metres high. However, as the surrounding country is as flat as the proverbial billiard table the view was unsurpassed and of course the hill dominated the surrounding countryside. On arrival we took under our wing the following personnel and equipment: A Squadron 1 Armoured Regiment (Australian) x 15 [people] with three Centurion tanks, Administration Company drivers x 2, 1 Aust Training Team Vietnam (1ATTV) x 1, 104 Signals Squadron x 3, 110 Signals Squadron x 2, 131 Divisional Locating Troop with locating radars x 13, US Searchlight team x 5, 17 Construction Squadron x 1, 1 Field Squadron x 44, Support Company Mortars x 10, Interpreters x 6, Assault Pioneers x 5 and US Army 105mm tracked howitzer battery x 95.
On February 18th we were forewarned to stay under cover while a spray aircraft flew overhead and dosed the area with a DDT mixture to combat the mosquitoes that were spreading malaria. I recall telling everyone on the Horseshoe about the spraying operation and it was accepted at the time as a routine anti malarial spraying mission. Some years later I was surprised to read that some of the soldiers had claimed that the spray was the defoliant Agent Orange that is linked to some serious health problems that ex Vietnam soldiers suffer. The next day Major John McGuire (V5 Company) arrived to have a look around during the course of his pre deployment reconnaissance.
We were not expecting the ARVN soldiers until February 28th so we decided to undertake some refresher training on a roster basis with, at any given time, one platoon away patrolling. The refresher training consisted of range practices and zeroing of personal weapons and the M79 grenade launcher, dry training and shooting of the M60 machine gun, handling of flares and tripAPC adapted to roll over & detonate anti-personnel mines [King] flares, firing the Claymore mines, movement and formations in open country, badges of rank of US, ARVN and Police Forces, checking of civilian identity cards and work papers and medical first aid. The live firing was conducted on a small firing range just outside the perimeter on the north side. It was very basic and had been used by a number of companies before us.
APC adapted to roll over and detonate anti-personnel mines [King]
The weather continued to be very hot and dry. The engineers were operating a quarry on the Hill and the dust from that operation was tremendous. We couldn’t get away from the dust and it was everywhere. A brick red film covered everything. We kept the dust moving by wiping the tables and desks constantly, shaking and brushing ones clothes and giving the bed a few whacks before retiring. mineclearing on the Horseshoe perimeter [Young]
mine clearing on the Horseshoe perimeter [Young]
Some years earlier a minefield had been laid from the Horseshoe to the coast a distance of about 9000 metres. All military manuals state that a minefield can only be effective if it is covered by sight and by gun fire. This minefield was out of sight most of the time and as a result the VC started to lift the mines and use them against us. The decision was then taken to remove the minefield. Lifting the mines by hand was out of the question so it was decided to have the Engineers use their plant and ingenuity to clear the minefield. They modified an APC to assist with the clearing. Extra plates were welded to the sides and underneath and a boom attached on which they threaded large used tyres. The APC moved backwards and forwards through the minefield with the mines being detonated by the tyres. From the Horseshoe we could see and hear this clearing being carried out and it continued throughout our stay there.
Training Vietnamese
B Company 5 Cavalry Regiment 18 ARVN Division soldiers arrived at the Horseshoe as planned and we set about to train them for operations against the VC. They were all very “green” and apart from their very young commander who had been trained at the Dalat Military Academy in Vietnam their military knowledge was minimal. We decided that the best way to teach the ARVN was to integrate our soldiers into their organisation and to show them by example. This method of instruction soon paid off. The ARVN platoons had two very successful contacts when ambushes set up on nearby tracks were initiated. Their morale took a leap with these successful operations and they were keen to prove that they had the making of a competent unit. The Task Force Commander was keen to prove that that it was feasible to move a force north of the Nui Dat base in APC’s avoiding the main rARVN troopers on the range outside the Horseshoe [King]oad known as Route 2. He saw the requirement to return the ARVN Company to their base at Xuyen Loc as an ideal opportunity to test whether an alternative route was possible. I was given the task and set about to plan our move that we estimated would take five days. During our overnight stops aggressive patrolling and ambushing would be routine. My lasting memory of the trip was seeing soldiers being knocked off the backs of APC’s by overhanging branches, being for ever tossed about, the constant replacement of thrown tracks and the remarkable outcome being that no one was killed or seriously injured. We got to our destination having had some successful overnight contacts on the way. The ARVN Company was on a high and most grateful for the training that they had received. We heard later that they had had a very successful first operation in which they eliminated 64 VC without any own casualties. Fortunately, we were allowed to return to the Horseshoe via Long Binh where we made an overnight stopover. The American base had a perimeter of about 80 kilometers and included three airfields. We had never been in such a vast establishment and we were all eyes and ears. The Americans were very generous and plied us with clothing and equipment that we had only dreamed about. They explained that once military items leave the continental US they are “written off” so they could afford to be generous and there were no soldiers more deserving than their Kiwi and Aussie mates!
ARVN troopers on the range outside the Horseshoe [King]
Our month of training and operations with the ARVN had gone off well but it wasn’t without incident. On March 11th an unexploded M79 grenade on the makeshift firing range was trodden on by one of the ARVN soldiers. Two ARVN soldiers and one of our own received minor shrapnel wounds and were medevac'd to Vung Tau to 1 Aust Field Hospital. They all returned to duty within a few days. In another incident an ARVN soldier lost part of a finger as he sat eating his meal in the ARVN mess tent. How he came to lose part of his finger was a complete mystery. His company commander, through the interpreter, told me not to worry as the soldier had probably cut off the finger so that he could be repatriated home. The soldier was in good spirits and he didn’t want to make too much of the incident. A short time later word came through that one of the soldiers manning the machine gun overlooking the entrance to the Horseshoe had had an accidental discharge during routine maintenance of his personal weapon. The CSM Doug Mackintosh and I did an investigation of the unauthorised discharge and came to the conclusion that the bullet had been responsible for the loss of the finger. We located the small hole in the side of the tent where the bullet had entered and from the line of trajectory assumed that the bullet had ended up embedded in the ground. I charged the soldier responsible and to this day we are thankful that no one was killed.
With the ARVN gone we got back to the routine that we had prior to their arrival. One platoon would be out on patrol/ambushing, one platoon securing the feature and one platoon on other tasks like providing protection for the engineers doing the minefield clearing. We were getting tired of the Horseshoe with its dust and the boredom of manning sentry posts. We were approaching the two-month mark, which was a longer period than any other Company had had on the feature. Nevertheless, we kept up the intensity with our operations and were rewarded with some successful contacts. In one very successful ambush 1 Platoon eliminated 5 VC who were part of a resupply party making their way towards Dat Do. We were very pleased to see the advance party of C Company 7RAR who had been assigned to take over from us. We were looking forward to rejoining 6RAR for the last part of their final operation in Vietnam.
After the Horseshoe
We left the Horseshoe on April 15th and the next day we were aboard APC’s heading 75 kilometres to the southeast to join 6RAR. It was very hot and dusty so we were pleased that we didn’t have to walk! It was forecast that it would stay very hot (5-10 deg C above normal) until the start of the rainy season next month. The operation was called Townsville in AO Auckland and yet again we thought that we were being sent on a wild goose chase well away from where other elements of the battalion were operating. As it transpired we had a very active few days. Some weeks earlier I had been shown an overlay of the province with all the contacts/incidents marked on it. It was interesting to note that a lot of the contacts had been taking place in the same areas and therefore those locations might be worth looking at again. When we had taken the ARVN Company back to Xuyen Loc we had spent a couple of days in the Courtenay Rubber patrolling and ambushing spots where there had been earlier contacts. This technique had proved very successful. Therefore, I decided to give it another try on this operation. When we reached our operational area I directedThe AC-47D was equipped with three 7.62mm SUU-11A Gatling Miniguns mounted in the fifth and sixth windows on the port side of the fuselage and in the aft passenger/cargo door area. Approximately 16,500 rounds of ammunition was carried on a typical mission. For night missions, the aircraft carried approximately 48 MK-24 Mod 3 flares. Each flare could last up to three minutes and produce a light magnitude of two million candlepower. The delivery system was extremely simple, the loadmaster armed and dropped each flare out the cargo door when the pilot signaled by flashing a cargo compartment light. [internet] the platoons to areas of earlier activity. In no time at all we were onto a good thing and all the platoon commanders were delighted with my crystal ball gazing! We even had an incident where enemy escaping from a platoon contact were engaged by elements of another platoon. The troop of APC's stayed with us in the Coy HQ static ambush location while the platoons patrolled on foot. One moonlit evening an USAF “spooky” aircraft was overhead. These aircraft were assigned to roam the skies looking for enemy targets to engage with their Gatling type guns. They could rain down a wall of bullets that would be disastrous to anyone without overhead protection. We couldn’t believe our ears and eyes as a hail of lead rushed towards us and pinged Airspeed during attack maneuvers was normally 120 knots indicated air speed (KIAS). With the Miniguns firing at a rate of 6,000 rounds per minute, aerial coverage was provided over an elliptical area approximately 52 yards in diameter, placing a projectile within every 2.4 yards during a three-second burst. [internet]off the armoured plating of the APC's. It took some time to get a message to the pilot that he was engaging friendly forces. When he realised his mistake he was mortified. He had become disoriented and thought that he was firing into an area some ten thousand metres away! Luckily we were all able to take cover in the APC's so no one was hurt. We heard later that the pilot was court-martialled and sent back to the USA in disgrace.
The AC-47D was equipped with three 7.62mm SUU-11A Gatling miniguns mounted in the fifth and sixth windows on the port side of the fuselage and in the aft passenger/cargo door area. 16,500 rounds of ammunition was carried on a typical mission. For night missions, the aircraft carried 48 MK-24 Mod 3 flares, each flare could last up to three minutes and produce a light magnitude of two million candlepower. The delivery system was extremely simple, the loadmaster armed and dropped each flare out the cargo door when the pilot signalled by flashing a cargo compartment light. Airspeed during attack manoeuvres was normally 120 knots. With the Miniguns firing at a rate of 6,000 rounds per minute, aerial coverage was provided over an elliptical area approximately 52 yards in diameter, placing a projectile within every 2.4 yards during a three-second burst. [internet]
During this last week of 6RAR operations two incidents resulted in the death of two officers. Lt Stan Kidd, a platoon commander with V4 Company was killed on April 17th and a few days later Lt Tony Garland, an Aust Artillery Officer who had worked with us for our first two months was killed in a mine incident. We were all very sad about these deaths but as I wrote at the time our concern for the living keeps us from getting too preoccupied with the more unsavoury aspects of war. see further comment here
On the night of our return to Nui Dat we had the V4 Company officers and senior NCO over to our lines for a drink. We took the opportunity to farewell them and catch up with the advance party of the new V5 Company. The next day we paraded with 6RAR and heard the CO, Lt Col David Butler, make his farewell speech. There were over 1000 men on parade so it made for quite an awesome sight. We had an early start on ANZAC Day for the dawn service which was followed later by a parade for the Task Force Commander to officially farewell 6RAR from Nui Dat – quite a lot of parades in a short space of time. Then the next day something very different - we were Reaction Company. This meant that we had to be ready to go at 15 minutes notice to anywhere in the province. Fortunately we weren’t called out so we were able to stand down for a couple of days before taking off to the Badcoe Club in Vung Tau.
At the end of our first six months in Vietnam we had spent 10 weeks on operations, 9 weeks on the Horseshoe, 2 weeks on operational preparation, 1 week as the Ready Reaction Force and 3 weeks on stand down/ Vung Tau/ Nui Dat. What was in store for us during the next six months?
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OSS Deer Team members pose with Viet Minh leaders Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap during training at Tan Trao in August 1945. Deer Team members standing, l to r, are Rene Defourneaux, (Ho), Allison Thomas, (Giap), Henry Prunier and Paul Hoagland, far right. Kneeling, left, are Lawrence Vogt and Aaron Squires. (Rene Defourneaux)Posted inFeature
How American Operatives Saved the Man Who Started the Vietnam War
Ho Chi Minh’s Viet Minh guerrilla fighters, led by future NVA General Vo Nguyen Giap, were allies of the Americans and given training by the OSS, the forerunner of the CIA, in an effort to defeat the Japanese during the waning days of World War II
by Claude G. Berube
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In the mid-1940s, the Viet Minh, under Ho Chi Minh, looked to the West for help in its independence movement and got it.
As U.S. Army Major Allison Thomas sat down to dinner with Ho Chi Minh and General Vo Nguyen Giap on September 15, 1945, he had one vexing question on his mind. Ho had secured power a few weeks earlier, and Thomas was preparing to leave Hanoi the next day and return stateside, his mission complete. He and a small team of Americans had been in French Indochina with Ho and Giap for two months, as part of an Office of Strategic Services (OSS) mission to train Viet Minh guerrillas and gather intelligence to use against the Japanese in the waning days of World War II. But now, after Ho’s declaration of independence and Japan’s surrender the previous month, the war in the Pacific was over. So was the OSS mission in Indochina. At this last dinner with his gracious hosts, Thomas decided to get right to the heart of it. So many of the reports he had filed with the OSS touched on Ho’s ambiguous allegiances and intents, and Thomas had had enough. He asked Ho point-blank: Was he a Communist? Ho replied: “Yes. But we can still be friends, can’t we?”
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It was a startling admission. In the mid-1940s, the Viet Minh leadership, under Ho Chi Minh, looked to the West for help in its independence movement and got it. As World War II ended, the United States and its allies, most of them former colonial powers, now confronted a new problem. Independence movements were emerging all over the East. But former colonial powers had lost their military muscle, and the Americans simply wanted to “bring the boys home.” During the war, the United States had sought any and all allies to combat the fascist powers, only to find, years later, it may have inadvertently given birth to new world leaders either through misconceptions or missed opportunities. Vietnam’s independence leader, Ho Chi Minh, had been only a relatively minor figure just a few years earlier. In 1945, Ho became the leader of a movement that would result in revolutionary tumult for decades to come.
Deer Team Meets a “Mr. Hoo”
Two months before Thomas’ farewell dinner with Ho and Giap, he and six others from Special Operations Team Number 13, code-named “Deer,” had parachuted into a jungle camp called Tan Trao, near Hanoi, with directions to proceed to the headquarters of Ho Chi Minh, whom they knew then only as a “Mr. Hoo.” Their mission, as they understood it, was to set up a guerrilla team of 50 to 100 men to attack and interdict the railroad from Hanoi to Lang Son to prevent the Japanese from going into China. They were also to find Japanese targets such as military bases and depots, and send back to OSS agents in China whatever intelligence they could. And they were to provide weather reports for air drops and U.S. Army Air Forces (USAAF) operations on an as-needed basis.
Thomas had parachuted in on July 16, 1945, part of a three-man advance team that also included radio operator 1st Sgt. William Zielski and Pfc Henry Prunier, their interpreter. Not knowing who or what to expect when they reached the drop zone, Thomas and his team soon found themselves surrounded by 200 guerrilla fighters who greeted them warmly and showed them to their huts. They then met with Ho Chi Minh, who called himself “C.M. Hoo,” at his headquarters to coordinate operations with him. Thomas had no idea that Ho was a Communist, spoke Russian or had visited the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, Ho openly discussed politics with Thomas, stressing not only the abuses by the French, but also his desire to work with the French toward a solution.
In his first official report to OSS director Archimedes L.A. Patti in Kunming, China, the following day, Thomas noted, referring to Ho: “He personally likes many French but most of his soldiers don’t.” This may have been one of Ho’s ongoing ruses to ingratiate himself with potential but temporary allies. In his mid-50s, Ho apparently thoroughly convinced the Deer Team commander of his sincerity. In an effort to further dispel OSS or U.S. government concerns about Ho, Thomas emphatically wrote in the report: “Forget the Communist Bogy. VML [Viet Minh League] is not Communist. Stands for freedom and reforms from French harshness.”
On July 30, the remainder of the Deer Team parachuted in, consisting of the assistant team leader, Lieutenant René Defourneaux, Staff Sgt. Lawrence R. Vogt, a weapons instructor, photographer Sergeant Aaron Squires and a medic, Pfc Paul Hoagland. Defourneaux, a French expatriate who had become a U.S. citizen, had parachuted into France earlier in the war to help the Resistance before joining the OSS.
The first person that Defourneaux met when he reached the drop zone was a “Mr. Van,” General Giap, who seemed to be in charge. Ho was not around much, but when Defourneaux saw him, his first impression was of a sick old man clearly suffering from some disease. In one of the ironies of history, the Vietnam War, at least with the Communists under Ho Chi Minh, might never have happened if the Americans hadn’t arrived when they did.
“Ho was so ill he could not move from the corner of a smoky hut,” Defourneaux said. Ho didn’t seem to have much time to live; Defourneaux heard it would not be weeks but days. “Our medic thought it might have been dysentery, dengue fever, hepatitis,” he recalled. “While being treated by Pfc Hoagland, Ho directed his people into the jungle to search for herbs. Ho shortly recovered, attributing it to his knowledge of the jungle.”
In other reports to the OSS, Thomas had raised a number of political concerns, from Ho’s allegiances, to Indochina’s struggle with the French, Vichy, Japanese, Chinese and the British. In a July 27 report, Thomas had stated that Ho’s league was an amalgamation of all political parties that stood for liberty with “no political ideas beyond that.” Thomas added, “Ho definitely tabooed the idea that the party was communistic” since “the peasants didn’t know what the word communism or socialism meant—but they did understand liberty and independence.” He noted that it was impossible for the French to stay, nor were they welcome since the Vietnamese “hated them worse than the Japs….Ho said he would welcome a million American soldiers to come in but not any French.” (Read more about the OSS and Ho Chi Minh here)
Control of French Indochina During WWII
French Indochina during World War II was a simmering cauldron of colonial powers on the decline, of colonial powers divided and other powers on the rise. Comprised largely of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, French Indochina had become in the late 19th century the “jewel in France’s crown” in Southeast Asia.
Among the several competing global, regional and internal interests in French Indochina during World War II were: Vichy France, which controlled its colony only with permission of its Japanese ally and German dominator; followed then by the French Republic, which sought to reclaim its colonial territories; the United States, which was fighting against Japan; and Japan, which sought to maintain its regional hegemony. Also involved were the warring Communists and Nationalists in China, which sought to influence the region to their south; and a variety of independence-seeking indigenous factions that all wanted to remove the yoke of any colonial or imperial power.
Vietnam itself was divided into three main regions with their own factions fighting for control: the northern Tonkin, central Annam and southern Cochinchina. French control over Indochina was challenged only when France fell to the Germans in 1940 and was divided into two governments—occupied France, and to the south the nominally neutral, German-dominated Vichy government under World War I hero Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain. Vichy retained control of most of the French overseas territories during the war, including Indochina. However, the French remaining in Indochina were less loyal to the German puppet Vichy government than they were to Pétain.
As Japan expanded into the Pacific and Asia early in World War II, it ironically found itself hamstrung by its own alliance with Nazi Germany. For, so long as both the Vichy government and Imperial Japan were tied to Germany, the French retained de facto control of Indochina, although Japan was permitted to establish military bases. As the war in the Pacific wound down, however, the Allied invasion of Normandy and liberation of Paris resulted in the fall of Vichy France in August 1944 and, with it, any claims on colonial territories.
Throughout most of World War II, the United States was finding and supporting allies in China and other Southeast Asian regions, including French Indochina, to pose a threat to the Japanese military wherever possible. With the liberation of France in 1944, the U.S. government turned to its primary coordinator of intelligence during the war: the OSS, created in 1942 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
OSS to Ho: Work With Us Against the Japanese
At the time, the OSS was operating a base in China’s wartime capital, Chungking. With the growing military complications in Indochina, William Donovan, the director of the OSS, instructed his staff to use “anyone who will work with us against the Japanese, but do not become involved in French-Indochinese politics.” The Viet Minh, a liberation movement that had emerged under Ho Chi Minh in the early 1940s, was seeking not only Vietnam’s independence from France, but also freedom from the Japanese occupation. In mid-1944 the OSS approached Ho to help organize an intelligence network in Indochina to help fight the Japanese and to help rescue downed American pilots. By then, “Ho had been cooperating with the Americans in propaganda activities,” wrote Captain Archimedes Patti, head of the OSS base in Kunming, China, and later Hanoi.
The American association with Ho had actually begun in December 1942 when representatives of the Viet Minh approached the U.S. Embassy in China for help in securing the release of “an Annamite named Ho Chih-chi (?) [sic]” from a Nationalist Chinese prison, where he was being held for having invalid documents. In September 1943, when Ho was finally released, he returned to Vietnam to organize Vietnamese seeking independence. An October 1943 OSS memo proposed that the United States “use the Annamites…to immobilize large numbers of Japanese troops by conducting systematic guerrilla warfare in the difficult jungle country.” The missive went on to suggest the OSS’s most effective propaganda line was to “convince the Annamites that this war, if won by the Allies, will gain their independence.”
As the Axis retreated in Europe, and what remained of the Vichy French government fell, Japan was no longer restrained in Indochina by its ties to Germany. The Japanese quickly made inroads into Vietnam, staging a coup d’état in March 1945 that dissolved the French government and established a puppet government. On March 11, Emperor Bao Dai proclaimed Vietnam’s independence and his intent to cooperate with the Japanese. Ho Chi Minh was surprised by this development, and regarded another independence movement as a threat to the Viet Minh’s. At the same time, with the Japanese coup against the French, the OSS realized it was cut off from the flow of intelligence from French Indochina to its base in Kunming, and it urged Ho to work with the United States.
“The coup has produced many new and perhaps delicate problems which will demand considerable attention,” the OSS officers in China reported to headquarters. “The French are no longer in power. There are 24 million [Vietnamese] in Indochina [offering] support for the new nationalistic regime. Militarily, it calls for an alteration of military plans; we can’t count on French and native troops.” The Japanese did not have the military strength to defend all of Vietnam, however, and the Viet Minh began to organize themselves as the provisional government in all but the largest towns, where the Japanese had strongholds.
Also in March 1945, Viet Minh guerrillas rescued a U.S. pilot who had been shot down in Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh himself escorted the pilot back to the American forces in Kunming, where the Fourteenth Air Force was based. Rejecting an offer of a monetary reward, Ho asked only for the honor of meeting Maj. Gen. Claire Chennault, founder of China’s legendary American Volunteer Group, the “Flying Tigers,” and now commander of the Fourteenth Air Force. During the meeting on March 29, Chennault thanked Ho, who, after promising to help any other downed American pilots, requested only an autographed photo of the general. Ho would later cannily show the picture to other nationalist Vietnamese factions as proof of his warm relations with—and implied support from—the Americans. At this time, few knew that Ho (whose real name was Nguyen Ai Quoc) was a long-time Communist who had been trained in the Soviet Union. Even the Office of War Information reportedly was impressed by Ho and his “English, intelligence and obvious interest in the Allied war effort.”
On April 27, Captain Patti met with Ho Chi Minh to ask him for permission to send an OSS team to work with him and the Annamites to gather intelligence on the Japanese. “Welcome, my good friend,” said Ho in greeting Patti. He agreed to work with an OSS team and asked Patti for modern weapons. Ho then set up a training camp in the jungle, at place he called Tan Trao—the former hamlet of Kimlung and the new location of Viet Minh headquarters—about 200 kilometers from Hanoi. There he prepared for the Americans’ arrival.
Deer Team Begins Training the Viet Minh
Captain Patti’s OSS group, the Deer Team, was established on May 16 and made its way from the United States to the OSS station in Kunming, where it waited two months for permission to enter French Indochina. Finally the decision was made for Major Thomas and the team’s six other members to parachute to the Tan Trao training camp in July.
Captain Patti had served with Thomas in North Africa and thought he “was a fine young officer but understandably unsophisticated in the way of international power struggles.” Thomas became quick friends with Ho and Giap at Tan Trao, often ignoring the rest of the team. Part of the team’s mission was to indicate targets for the USAAF, but Thomas spent most of his time with Ho and Giap, and even redirected USAAF targets against the Japanese based on Ho’s recommendations, in direct conflict with orders he had received from the OSS.
Defourneaux, who had assumed the alias of Raymond Douglas, the son of a Franco-American mother, to protect him from the locals, had a different experience with Ho. The leader continually probed Defourneaux and challenged his cover story, wary of him. Ho told Defourneaux he hoped the United States would handle Vietnam the way it had the Philippines. “We deserved the same treatment,” said Ho. “You should help us reach the point of independence. We are self-sufficient.” Defourneaux did not believe that Giap and Ho were “on the same wavelength,” and that Giap was doing things independently. At the time, he did not know that Giap, or “Mr. Van,” another of the OSS’s “friends of the forest,” was running an indoctrination school on communism.
As Thomas’ friendship with Giap and Ho grew, his relationship with his own men deteriorated, and Defourneaux became wary of them. Ho, and especially Giap, had “full control over our leader,” said Defourneaux. In his diary, Defourneaux wrote of Thomas: “I stay with the boys and cannot help hear their conversations. They hate him, personally I hate him more and more every day.” He said that Thomas thought Ho and Giap were simply agrarian reformers, “but Ho didn’t know how to use a shovel and Giap didn’t know how to milk a cow.”
Deer Team members supervise small-arms training at Ho’s Tan Trao jungle camp in August 1945. (National Archives)
The members of the Deer Team had to wait a couple of weeks for supply drops in early August before they could start small-arms and weapons training for the guerrilla forces. Once the arms arrived, the Americans showed the Viet Minh (most were recently civilians) how to fire the American M-1 rifle and M-1 carbine, and how to use mortars, grenades, bazookas and machine guns. For training, they used U.S. Army field manuals, and focused on guerrilla warfare.
Japan Surrenders and Ho Declares Vietnamese Independence
Shortly after training began the second week in August, Sergeant Zielski, the team’s radio operator, picked up a broadcast on August 15 announcing the Japanese surrender, following the atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, and Nagasaki on the 9th.
Realizing its training mission was over, the Deer Team issued arms to the soldiers and prepared to leave the following day. Under the terms of Japan’s surrender, the British would occupy the south of Vietnam, and the Chinese would move to the north to disarm Japanese soldiers and return them to their homeland.
The Americans left camp on August 16 and traveled on foot with Giap and his troops to Thai Nguyen, the French provincial capital. There, the guerrillas fought the French and the Japanese until the French governor capitulated, on August 25, and the Japanese, finally realizing their homeland had surrendered, accepted a truce the next day. During this fighting, Giap had arranged for the Deer Team to stay hidden away in a safe house on the outskirts of town.
Meanwhile, the Viet Minh had planned to hold a conference in Tan Trao on August 16, the National People’s Congress. About 30 delegates from Vietnam, Thailand and Laos had assembled in the village to discuss their concerns. Over the next several days, amid political uncertainty, several of the delegates had attempted to seize control. Ultimately Ho Chi Minh claimed leadership and was elected president of the provisional government on August 27. They proposed and voted on a new national anthem, and a new national flag with a gold star on a red background, which would become intimately familiar to most U.S. ground troops two decades later.
A week later, on September 2, the same day General Douglas MacArthur received the formal Japanese surrender aboard the battleship Missouri, Ho Chi Minh was in Hanoi and declared Vietnamese independence from all colonial powers, using the American Declaration of Independence as his template. Banners of “Welcome to the Allies” (specifically, the United States) flew in the city’s Ba Dihn Square, the OSS contingent in Hanoi photographed the occasion and Minister of the Interior Giap recognized U.S. support in a speech.
Coincidentally, the same day of Ho’s declaration of independence, Lt. Col. Peter Dewey, the nephew of two-time presidential candidate Thomas Dewey, arrived in Saigon. The colonel was commander of another OSS team in Indochina, code-named “Embankment,” which was overseeing intelligence in the Saigon area. As the month wore on in Saigon, the British, free from hostilities with the Japanese, became politically involved, chaos ensued and civil war raged. Dewey was ordered out of Vietnam by the British, who suspected him of working with the Viet Minh. Before leaving, Dewey wrote in a report to the OSS: “Cochinchina is burning, the French and British are finished here, and we ought to clear out of Southeast Asia.”
On September 26, two days after the Viet Minh led a national strike in response to British-imposed martial law, Dewey was ready to depart Saigon. Leaving in an unmarked jeep for the airport, he was ambushed and killed a few yards from an OSS house, thus becoming the first American casualty in Vietnam, nearly two decades before full U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. Although there was wide speculation on the shooters, ranging from conspiracies involving allies to cases of mistaken identities, an investigation failed to produce an answer. Captain Patti informed Ho Chi Minh of Dewey’s death, and Ho expressed his regrets to U.S. headquarters in Saigon.
OSS Ends Its Mission in Indochina
With the war in the Pacific over, the OSS ended its mission in Indochina. The Deer Team had stayed in Thai Nguyen for a few days following the Viet Minh victory there, “getting fat, getting a sun-tan, visiting the city and waiting for permission [from Patti] to go to Hanoi,” said Defourneaux. “The Viet Minh did everything to make our stay as pleasant as possible for us.” Once they arrived in Hanoi, the Americans prepared to return to the United States. The night before leaving, Major Thomas had his private dinner with Ho and Giap.
In the years that followed, Ho Chi Minh continued to write letters of a diplomatic nature to President Harry Truman, asking for U.S. aid, but the letters were never answered. Ho didn’t break with the United States until the Americans gradually became involved with the French in working against the Vietnamese in the 1950s.
Although OSS agents clearly played a role in Indochina during the World War II, clear causes and effects with regard to the future U.S.-Vietnamese conflict are far more cloudy.
First, working with individuals or organizations that did not share American values or interests was not uncommon, particularly during World War II. Perhaps the best example was the U.S. alliance with the Soviet Union, specifically with Josef Stalin.
Second, the United States needed to reach out to an established and recognized organization within Indochina. There was no natural indigenous U.S. ally in that region, nor was there an embedded colonial interest because France itself was divided.
Third, through its in situ OSS team, the United States had little immediate effective tactical, operational or strategic impact on Ho Chi Minh, the future General Giap or the Viet Minh.
Was America, through the OSS, responsible for the rise of Ho Chi Minh and his subsequent war against the United States? No, but neither was it completely free of such responsibility. Ho manipulated the inexperienced leader of the Deer Team as well as U.S. diplomatic officials in Kunming to serve his unstated needs. Having a personal photo of Chennault or having OSS agents stand by his side demonstrated his international standing among the Vietnamese. Also, the failure to identify Ho Chi Minh as Soviet-trained and a Communist ideologue was a major American intelligence shortcoming that smoothed the way for Ho’s emergence as a national leader and in the end, an enemy of the United States.
In later years when asked by journalists or historians about his relationship with Ho, Thomas was defensive: “I was friendly with him and why shouldn’t I be? After all, we were both there for the same purpose, fighting the Japanese…it wasn’t my job to find out whether he was a Communist or not.”
Ultimately, out of the chaotic and momentous conclusion of World War II—almost imperceptibly—the die was cast for the coming storm that over the next three decades would pit the world’s greatest superpower against an indigenous movement led by men who, at its birth, sought the friendship and support of the United States.
Claude G. Berube teaches at the United States Naval Academy and is the co-author with John Rodgaard of A Call to the Sea: Captain Charles Stewart of the USS Constitution.