Saturday, February 26, 2022

 Nhiều người bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác

10:46 - 22/12/20110 THANH NIÊN ONLINE

Nhiều người bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác

                                

Tỉ lệ mắc bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác tại Việt Nam là 1% dân số (tương đương 860.000 người). Tuy nhiên, nhiều người chưa biết rõ về căn bệnh này và vì sao mắc bệnh.

Hoang tưởng ảo giác là một dạng triệu chứng của bệnh tâm thần phân liệt. Đây là bệnh nội sinh nhưng có người vẫn còn lầm lẫn cho rằng đây là bệnh mắc phải do stress, do yếu tố môi trường, do chấn thương.

Tưởng bị hại

Đầu tháng 12-2011, đường dây nóng báo Tuổi Trẻ nhận được điện thoại của một bạn đọc có tên Đ.C.T.. Qua điện thoại, anh T. phản ảnh anh không bị tâm thần nhưng hai năm nay bị gia đình đưa vào khoa tâm thần Bệnh viện 175 (TP.HCM) điều trị vì cho rằng anh tâm thần.

Theo anh T., em gái anh đưa anh vào bệnh viện vì tranh chấp nhà. Ngày 9-12, trả lời phản ảnh của anh T., đại tá bác sĩ Nguyễn Văn Hường - chủ nhiệm khoa nội tâm thần - khẳng định anh T. (44 tuổi, Q. Phú Nhuận, TP.HCM) bị bệnh tâm thần phân liệt thể paranoid (hoang tưởng ảo giác).

Anh đã vào Bệnh viện 175 điều trị nhiều lần trong hai năm qua. Trước khi đến bệnh viện điều trị, anh có thời gian dài 12 năm điều trị bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác tại Bệnh viện Tâm thần trung ương 2 (Biên Hòa, Đồng Nai).

Người đưa anh T. vào bệnh viện điều trị là mẹ ruột. Mẹ anh T. thường đón anh về nhà nhưng được mấy ngày anh lại bỏ nhà đi lang thang và có hành vi gây nguy hiểm cho người khác nên mẹ anh lại phải đưa trở lại nhập viện điều trị.

Không được uống rượu - bia, thức đêm...

Ngoài điều trị bằng thuốc, yếu tố gia đình rất quan trọng trong việc chăm sóc, nhắc nhở bệnh nhân tự giác uống thuốc theo chỉ định của bác sĩ và tái khám đúng hẹn. Bệnh nhân có thể làm việc nhưng không được làm việc nặng nhọc, thức đêm. Tuyệt đối không uống rượu, bia, hút thuốc lá. Với trà, cà phê có thể dùng chừng mực. Việc phục hồi chức năng cho bệnh nhân như lao động nhẹ, thể dục thể thao, văn hóa văn nghệ, điều độ trong sinh hoạt giúp ổn định 50% tình trạng bệnh. Cần lưu ý việc sử dụng rượu, bia, thuốc lá, stress, yếu tố môi trường, tình trạng gia đình (người thân bị mất, bản thân ly thân, ly hôn...) là các yếu tố thúc đẩy chứ không phải là nguyên nhân gây ra bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác.

Trao đổi với Tuổi Trẻ, mẹ anh T. là bà Đ.T.H.L. cho biết năm 18 tuổi anh chỉ đậu dự bị đại học. Khi thấy một số bạn bè học kém hơn nhưng lại đậu đại học, anh T. bắt đầu có biểu hiện phát bệnh tâm thần từ đó đến nay. Bà L. xác nhận anh T. điều trị hơn mười năm tại Bệnh viện Tâm thần trung ương 2. Bà L. chỉ có hai người con trai. Em trai của anh T. đã có gia đình và ở riêng. Trong gia đình không có ai tranh chấp nhà cửa với anh T..

Chúng tôi cũng đã trò chuyện với anh T. gần một giờ tại bệnh viện. Có những lúc anh nói chuyện rất tỉnh táo, lưu loát và đề nghị báo can thiệp đưa anh đi giám định tâm thần. Tuy nhiên, anh cũng có nhiều biểu hiện không bình thường trong tư duy và ngôn ngữ. Ví dụ anh kể đã nghiên cứu và chế tạo thành công xe hơi điện. Khi chúng tôi hỏi chiếc xe này anh để ở đâu, lúc đầu anh bảo để ở nhà một người bạn, nhưng sau đó bảo đã bán xe này cho một công ty sữa với giá 400 triệu đồng. Tiền bán xe để đâu? Trả lời câu hỏi này anh T. bảo: “Tiền đâu có mang theo. Mang theo bị cướp hết thì sao?”.

Khi chúng tôi hỏi anh có đang nghiên cứu, phát minh gì không thì anh trả lời: “Phát minh làm cái gì, cái ông Thomas Edison phát minh ra bóng đèn điện về già không có vợ không có bạn”! Anh còn nói về mẹ mình là “bà già tôi bả tham lam lắm”!

860.000 người mắc bệnh

Nói về bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác, đại tá bác sĩ Nguyễn Văn Hường cho biết bệnh thường xảy ra nhiều nhất ở độ tuổi 15-25, bất cứ ai cũng có thể mắc phải, tỉ lệ nam-nữ mắc bệnh như nhau. Tỉ lệ mắc bệnh là 1% ở mọi quốc gia. Nguyên nhân bệnh do những biến đổi, khiếm khuyết về rối loạn chuyển hóa của tế bào não, rối loạn chức năng hoạt động của não và chưa một xét nghiệm nào có thể phát hiện được.

Khi mắc bệnh, bệnh nhân có biểu hiện rối loạn giấc ngủ (có khi không có rối loạn) như mất ngủ, khó ngủ, không ngủ, đảo giấc (ngày ngủ đêm thức); rối loạn về hành vi, rối loạn về cảm xúc. Ví dụ như cảm giác hai chiều vừa yêu vừa ghét hay cảm xúc trái ngược là người thân thì rất ghét, căm thù nhưng người dưng lại tin yêu; đi dự đám ma thì cười nhưng đi đám cưới lại khóc.

Bệnh nhân còn có các triệu chứng điển hình như đi lang thang, nhặt rác, tích trữ các vật dụng bỏ đi, cười một mình; có dấu hiệu đáng quan tâm nhất mà bác sĩ thường ghi chẩn đoán là “ảo thanh bình phẩm”. Tức là bệnh nhân thường nghe có tiếng nói chuyện trong đầu, hoặc tiếng nói trong bụng phát ra. Có khi là tiếng nói xấu hoặc khen bệnh nhân, có khi phân tích, nhận xét những hành vi, suy nghĩ của bệnh nhân. Thậm chí tiếng nói đó ra lệnh, bắt bệnh nhân làm theo việc này việc khác. Trong đầu bệnh nhân lúc nào cũng có tiếng đó.

Ngoài ra, bệnh nhân còn có biểu hiện hoang tưởng ma nhập, người chết nhập vào, luôn có cảm giác bị theo dõi, bị hại, bị bắt, bị giết, bị bệnh. Có người lại có hoang tưởng phát minh, nghiên cứu sáng chế... Tuy nhiên, bác sĩ Hường cho biết thực tế rất nhiều bệnh nhân tuy mắc bệnh hoang tưởng ảo giác nhưng nói năng lưu loát, trí nhớ tốt, thậm chí nhớ tốt hơn người bình thường.

Hoang tưởng ảo giác có từng đợt, lúc có lúc không và đặc biệt có tính thu hẹp, thụ động trong hoạt động và suy nghĩ. Nếu bác sĩ không có kinh nghiệm dễ chẩn đoán nhầm. Việc chẩn đoán chủ yếu dựa vào việc nói chuyện với bệnh nhân để họ bộc lộ ra, chứ không có xét nghiệm hay chẩn đoán cận lâm sàng nào có thể tìm ra bệnh.

Về điều trị, bác sĩ Hường cho biết hiện nay có nhiều thuốc tốt và ít tác dụng phụ. Việc điều trị khỏi bệnh hoàn toàn chỉ đạt 5-7% số ca mắc bệnh. 93-95% bệnh nhân còn lại gần như mắc bệnh suốt đời, nhưng trong số này nếu bệnh nhân được điều trị tốt thì 60-70% sống gần như bình thường, không ai biết họ có bệnh. Yếu tố để bệnh nhân ổn định bệnh tốt nhất là chính người bệnh nhận thức được bệnh của mình.

Theo Tuổi Trẻ

Friday, February 18, 2022

https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Publications/Article/607706/the-limits-of-airpower-or-the-limits-of-strategy-the-air-wars-in-vietnam-and-th/

 

COLUMN ONE : B-52 Fears Echo From a Past War : Vietnamese survivors of U.S. bombing recall the terror. But they also caution against underestimating the endurance of America’s current enemy.



TIMES STAFF WRITERS


More than 15 years have passed since Vu Duy Thanh heard the train of death rumbling through the sky above, that dreadful drone of the American B-52s and the horrible few seconds that followed each time, as 1,000-pound bombs whistled down on his hometown of Haiphong.

“You do not forget this sound, ever,” Thanh said. “North Vietnamese people, we know what is B-52.” Thanh relived the memory just weeks ago in Iraq, where, as a road-crew worker, he observed the latest B-52 bombing sorties.

Truong Nhu Tang, a Viet Cong survivor of bombing along the Ho Chi Minh Trail, has similar memories. He pressed himself against a bunker floor during his first B-52 attack, feeling as though he “had been caught in the apocalypse.”

“The terror was complete,” he later wrote in memoirs. “One lost control of bodily functions as the mind screamed incomprehensible orders to get out.”

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Both men offer insight into what Saddam Hussein’s troops may be experiencing as B-52s shower them with bombs day after day in the Kuwaiti war zone. There are probably many deaths. And if the Vietnam experience is a guide, some Iraqi soldiers are having nervous breakdowns. Others are suffering from ruptured eardrums, nosebleeds, speech impairments, long-lasting headaches, nausea and disorientation.

North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong recall the B-52s and their bombs as among the most terrifying weapons used against them, with potential for both physical and psychological devastation. The U.S. military is counting on that, relying on bombing by B-52s and other aircraft to sap the Republican Guards and other Iraqi front-line troops of both the strength and will to fight.

But there may be another lesson from Vietnam: B-52 bombing may fall short of accomplishing its goals. Vietnamese soldiers suffered under the shower of bombs, but they did not give up. Bunkers provided some physical protection; a certain stoicism gave them psychological support. Bombing strikes leveled acres of jungle but did not stop the flow of North Vietnamese troops, ammunition and supplies.

As a result, no one can predict whether B-52 bombing of Iraqi troops, protected by concrete and steel-reinforced bunkers deep beneath the desert sands, will bring a speedy conclusion to the war.

“No army has ever surrendered because they were subjected to heavy bombardment,” said retired Rear Adm. Eugene J. Carroll Jr. “I don’t think anyone can count on (the Iraqis) saying, ‘OK, we’ve had enough’ and just quitting.”

Former North Vietnamese Col. Bui Tin, who trekked the Ho Chi Minh Trail under U.S. bombing and went on to accept the surrender of Saigon in 1975, agreed. Despite its horrors, so-called carpet bombing will fail in Iraq as it failed in Vietnam, he predicted.

“The first two times that I was under carpet bombing, I was very afraid,” said Tin, a former deputy editor of the North Vietnamese army newspaper who was interviewed in Paris. “All of a sudden there’s a terrible noise, trees falling everywhere, huge explosions in the sky. . . . You’re petrified.

“But by the third time, you’re used to it. You’re not afraid anymore.”

Once, the B-52s dropped about 300 bombs and succeeded in killing only two people and wounding some, Tin said. “You stop being afraid if it takes 150 bombs to kill one person,” he said.

He acknowledged that the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese army regulars were usually warned of B-52 attacks by Soviet trawlers in the South China Sea that radioed each time the planes took off from Okinawa or Guam. But, he said, his troops were able to survive the onslaught in trenches only about three feet deep.

As in Vietnam, he suggested, the U.S. military once again has failed to predict the endurance and tenacity of a Third World army.

“The Americans are still relying on their large, sophisticated war machine with electronics and awesome carpet bombs. That’s their strong point,” he said. “But they have always underestimated their enemy. That’s their weakness. . . .

“Of course the bombardment directed at the Iraqis is more sophisticated, more high-tech, but it is people who determine the outcome of a war, not materiel,” he said.

U.S. military officials have insisted that significant improvements in bomb targeting and accuracy, as well as key differences in geography, supply lines and the nature of the Gulf War, make it misleading to compare the carpet bombing of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia with the bombardment of Iraq and Kuwait.

Pentagon officials even object to the very term “carpet bombing.” They say precise targeting and delivery of B-52 bombs has made “saturation” or “strategic” bombing more accurate.

“Carpet bombing implies that we’re indiscriminately releasing a large number of weapons without regard for accuracy,” Air Force spokesman Maj. Dick Cole said. " . . . B-52s are very accurate.”

During most of the Vietnam War, B-52s dropped their bombs from an altitude of 35,000 feet or more. At that height, the planes could not be heard and were nearly impossible to shoot down, Cole said. Most of the B-52 losses were planes shot while flying low during the massive 1972 Christmas bombings of Hanoi and Haiphong.

In the Gulf, B-52 pilots can now fly under radar and bomb from an altitude of 200 to 500 feet, Cole said. They fly at night and vary their approach, making them trickier targets for gunners on the ground, he said.

Vietnamese coming out of Iraq confirm reports that the bombing within Iraq itself is more selective than the bombing in Vietnam.

Tran Ba Dinh, who along with Thanh was one of more than 100 Vietnamese construction workers who escaped Iraq and spent time in a Jordanian refugee camp before heading home this week, said he spent many of his 15 years in the North Vietnamese army trying to dodge the bombs.

“I remember the B-52 bombs, believe me. . . .” he said.

“It’s very different now because the target in Vietnam is not like Iraq. Anything and everything was to be destroyed in Vietnam--the transportation, the economy, the military and, mostly, the people. In Iraq, the targets are more limited. Some bridges, most military but people only by accident.”

His colleague Thanh agreed. He said the recent B-52 bombing that he witnessed 50 miles north of Basra--bombing not directed at the Republican Guard--was different from what he experienced all those years before.

“I remember in Vietnam, the Americans would try to hit a bridge,” he said. “They would destroy everything for two kilometers around it, but bridge is still standing. This time, very different. This time, they hit the bridge and damage only 200 meters around it.”

Thanh spoke of seeing children in Iraq playing soccer just a few hundred yards from a burning oil refinery that had just been bombed. “It is not that they are brave,” he said of the children. “They know the bombing is very accurate, so they know which is a dangerous place and which place is safe.”

Thanh was asked whether he believed this new accuracy was because the American pilots had improved or whether they simply had more sophisticated equipment for their air war on Iraq.

“Neither,” said the former North Vietnamese barge pilot, who spent more than a decade ferrying ammunition and supplies from the port of Haiphong to North Vietnamese army regulars at the front during the war. “Objective different in Iraq. . . . In North Vietnam, Americans wanted to destroy whole country.

“This bombing in Iraq, very exact. The planes only miss sometimes. Very small targets. They try to hit important places, military places. They do not try to destroy all of Iraq. Believe me, I know. I have seen America destroy a country--my country.”

In Vietnam, civilians near the Laotian and Cambodian borders, as well as those near Viet Cong strongholds, also became well-acquainted with the B-52s. Because the planes flew so high, people on the ground could neither see nor hear the aircraft coming; they knew they were under attack only when the first bomb hit. The Vietnamese called it “whispering death.”

“The earth shakes first,” said Liem Huu Nguyen, a former air traffic controller whose village about 50 miles from Hue was leveled by B-52s in 1972. “The sounds come after. I never saw the planes.”

But some of the heaviest bombing was aimed at the jungles that obscured the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

A former South Vietnamese official who was captured by the Viet Cong during the 1968 Tet offensive has memories of a hair-raising forced march up the trail--from Hue across the 17th parallel and 600 miles north--all the while under massive B-52 bombardment.

“We heard sounds like a hurricane, like a tornado,” said the man, who spent more than 12 years as a North Vietnamese prisoner and now lives in Northern California. He asked to be identified by his pen name, Hoang Lien.

He said he was kept handcuffed in a 15-foot-deep bomb shelter along with two other prisoners and two guards. “We heard the trees falling,” he said. " . . . Even the tanks were trembling. We had the impression that we were moving back and forth, even though we were in a (shelter). . . . We felt the pressure in our chest. It was very difficult to breathe.”

One of his fellow prisoners, an American, would joke that they were more likely to be killed by an American bomb than by the North Vietnamese, he said.

Afterward, they would march past bomb craters that were 30 meters in diameter and 20 meters deep, and would sometimes fill up with water like a fishpond.

Orrin DeForest, a retired CIA officer who interrogated more than 700 Indochinese prisoners of war and defectors, said that nearly every round of B-52 attacks brought a wave of deserters.

“The guys would say, ‘Well, I just couldn’t go through another B-52 strike,’ ” DeForest said.

“They all talked about the shock wave,” he added. “I had several who had punctured eardrums, and they had been deep in bunkers, like 10 to 20 feet, when the bomb went off. They were very bitter about that because they had no place to hide.”

Though it is impossible to predict damage in Iraq without better intelligence as to just how many troops have been able to build deep, reinforced bunkers, DeForest concluded: “The Republican Guard has got to be suffering.”

One former Hmong soldier now living in Santa Ana described watching through binoculars as an entire division of Pathet Lao soldiers vanished during a B-52 strike in northern Laos in 1971. He said that although Iraqi soldiers will not be found so unprotected, they have a grave weakness: Unlike the Indochinese guerrillas, they cannot melt back into the jungle and live off the land.

“The Iraqis will not win a prolonged war simply because of the food and water supply,” he said. “Iraq is not like Laos. It’s desert.”

But Tang, like former Col. Tin, said that “sooner or later, the shock of the bombardments wore off. . . . The veterans would no longer scrabble at the bunker floors convulsed with fear.

“Instead, people just resigned themselves,” the former Viet Cong minister of justice wrote in his memoirs. " . . . The B-52s somehow put life in order. Many of those who survived the attacks found that, afterward, they were capable of viewing life from a more serene and philosophical perspective.”

Bombing Iraqi troops in the Kuwaiti war zone presents its own set of special difficulties. The soft desert sand has become an ally of the Iraqis, cushioning the impact of the huge bombs and diminishing their effect.

Sand absorbs some of a bomb blast’s force, and shrapnel flies less far from the impact point than it would on harder ground. Marine Col. Andy Lloyd, who flew Marine jets in Vietnam, estimated that the shrapnel range in the desert may be a 10th of what it was in Vietnam--one reason that B-52 bombing in the Persian Gulf region needs to be more accurate than the carpet bombing of Vietnam.

Even though the bombs may inflict less damage in the Gulf, Lloyd said, they still provide a psychological advantage for the allies by terrifying the Iraqis. “I think it’s a bad place to be an Iraqi right now,” he said of Kuwait.

American veterans of Vietnam recalled that even after months and years of B-52 strikes in Indochina, ground troops were still confronted with enemy soldiers who emerged from hiding desperate, angry and ready to kill.

“Bombing alone, even concentrated, sustained bombing by B-52s, will not do the job,” said Ken Berez, who was an 82nd Airborne corporal and is now with the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation in Washington. “President Bush has said over and over again that we will not fight this war with one arm tied behind our back like (in) Vietnam. . . .

“The fact of the matter is, we used everything short of nuclear weapons in Vietnam and still we fought an enemy that, man for man, gave us hell.”

Efron reported from Santa Ana, Calif., and Fineman from Azraq, Jordan. Douglas Frantz in Saudi Arabia also contributed to this story.

Wednesday, February 16, 2022

 

Reproduced from VFW Magazine, March 2006 issue, article by Tim Dyhouse

In November 1967, the 173rd Airborne Brigade and the 4th Infantry Division’s 1st Brigade slugged it out with four NVA regiments in the Central Highlands. The centerpiece of the battle was the 110-hour fight for Hill 875.

Download printable copy of the article

In November 1967, North Vietnamese Army (NVA) units were determined to rid the Central Highlands of American forces. The NVA poured thousands of troops into an area where the borders of Cambodia, Laos and South Vietnam meet.

Specifically, they sought to destroy Special Forces camps at Ben Het, about five miles east of the Cambodian border, and at Dak To, some 10 miles east  of Ben Het. The U.S. camps represented a major roadblock at the southern end of the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

The Americans reacted to the NVA buildup by launching Operation Mac-Arthur, with the 4th Infantry Division assuming operational control over the 173rd Airborne Brigade.

The 4th Infantry Division’s 1st Brigade included the 1st, 2nd and 3rd battalions of the 8th Inf. Regt.; 1st and 3rd battalions of the 12th Inf. Regt.; and the attached 2nd Sqdn., 1st Cav Regt.

The 173rd Airborne Brigade fielded the 1st, 2nd and 4th battalions of the 503rd Inf. Regt., and supporting units such as the 335th Aviation Company.

Some 15 Army artillery batteries along with tactical air support provided immense firepower.

1st Cavalry Division units—1st Bn., 12th Cav Regt., and 2nd Bn., 8th Cavalry—also played a part in the campaign.

The 23rd and 26th Mike Force companies (indigenous outfits led by Green Berets) were engaged as well. Also in the mix were six ARVN battalions.

Opposing them at one time or another were the NVA’s 24th, 32nd, 66th and 174th regiments, totaling 7,000 men, constituting the NVA 1st Infantry Division.

One paratrooper said of the enemy: “They fight like they’re all John Waynes, three clips and making every bullet count.”



A Merciless Land’ Combat was brutal, close and fought in the unforgiving terrain of the Central Highlands. “It is a merciless land of steep limestone ridges, some of them exceeding 4,000 feet,” wrote Robert Barr Smith in

Vietnam  magazine. “The sharp ridges are covered with double- and sometimes triple-canopy jungle. The draws between the ridges are dreary, tangled places of perpetual twilight. The jungle is laced with vines and thorns, and in it live diverse snakes, a million leeches and about half the mosquitoes in the world.” Another historian called the terrain “probably the wildest in South Vietnam if not all Southeast Asia.”

MEDAL OF HONOR RECIPIENTS (Posthumous)

CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR SOCIETY PHOTOS

Pfc. John Barnes

On Nov. 12, 1967, Pfc. Barnes manned a machine gun after its crew had been killed. He then eliminated nine enemy soldiers who were assaulting his position. While retrieving more ammo, Barnes saw a grenade tossed among a group of severely wounded soldiers. In an instant, he leaped on the device, shielding the blast with his body.

 

Pfc. Carlos Lozada

On Nov. 20, 1967, Pfc. Lozada stayed behind and poured deadly machine-gun fire on an advancing NVA force, allowing his company to safely withdraw. Nearly surrounded, Lozada jumped from his covered position and fired his M-60 from the hip, providing further cover for fellow soldiers when he was mortally wounded.

 

Maj. Charles J. Watters Chaplain

On Nov. 19, 1967, Chaplain Watters repeatedly exposed himself to enemy fire in order to aid fallen men outside the perimeter. Five times troopers tried to hold him back, yet Watters persisted in aiding and carrying the wounded back to safety. He was hit and killed later, still tending to the wounded.

 

The weather, however, during the Nov. 1-23 continuous battles was “excellent,” according to F. Clifton Berry, Jr., in The Illustrated History of Sky Soldiers, The Vietnam War, with dry conditions and daily high and low temperatures between 91 and 55 degrees.

‘Deadly Prelude’  The Battle of Dak To was actually a series of intense clashes culminating in the decisive battle for Hill 875. Leading up to that climactic end, the 173rd Airborne Brigade fought several engagements south of Ben Het. (See the sidebar on page 36 for the 4th ID’s role.)

A recon patrol made the first contact on Nov. 2, briefly skirmishing with NVA, resulting in one U.S. KIA.

Four days later, A, B, C and D companies of the 4th Bn., 503rd Inf., fought the NVA for four hours in the Ngok Kam Leat chain of hills and adjacent Hill 823, losing 16 KIA and 37 WIA.

On Nov. 11, A, C and D companies of the 1st Bn., 503rd Inf., engaged the NVA for eight hours at two separate locations south of Ben Het sustaining 21 KIA and 128 WIA.

On Veterans Day, Task Force Black (170 men of the 1st Bn., 503rd Inf.) was inserted into a landing zone on Hill 823 and wound up losing 20 KIA, 154 WIA and two MIA.

The next day, Pfc. John Barnes of C Company earned a posthumous Medal of Honor when he saved the lives of several wounded men by throwing himself on a grenade. Before this heroic act, according to his citation, Barnes “dashed through the bullet-swept area, manned the machine gun [the team had been killed] and killed nine enemy soldiers as they assaulted his position.”

Following on the heels of TF Black’s ordeal, A and B companies from the 2nd Bn., 503rd Inf., fought for more than four hours near Fire Support Base 16, located about five miles south of Hill 823. B Company counted 21 KIA and 17 WIA after the firefight.

Nov. 18 saw the 1st Bn., 503rd Inf., lose seven KIA on Hill 882, while D Company of the 4th Battalion had six dead to “friendly fire.”

Before Hill 875 was even assaulted, the 173rd had already sustained 79 KIA and 287 WIA.

‘Get up the Goddamn Hill’

By Nov. 19, the NVA’s 174th Regiment, moving south along the Laos/Cambodia border, had covered the retreat of the 66th Regiment. The 174th set up on Hill 875 about 10 miles southwest of Ben Het and less than a mile east of the Cambodian border. The 173rd’s 2nd Bn., 503rd Inf., led the assault.

Companies C and D started up the hill at 9:43 a.m., with A Company providing rear security and attempting to cut out a landing zone at the bottom. C and D companies soon found themselves absorbing small-arms fire and grenade attacks from seemingly every direction.

“Jesus, they were all over the place,” one paratrooper recalled. “The noncoms kept shouting, ‘Get up the hill, get up the goddamn hill.’ But we couldn’t. We were surrounded, and we were firing in all directions.”

Company commanders pulled their troops back and called for more firepower. Artillery from A Bty., 3rd Bn., 319th Artillery Regt., and air strikes started ravaging the hilltop.

Meanwhile, NVA soldiers began a ferocious attack on A Company at the bottom of the hill. Pfc. Carlos Lozada, after receiving orders to retreat back up the hill, provided covering fire, at times walking backward up the hill spraying M-60 machine-gun fire into the brush on either side of the trail. When his weapon jammed, an NVA bullet ripped into his head. Lozada’s actions garnered him a posthumous Medal of Honor.

The surviving paratroopers of A Company hustled up the slope and into a perimeter formed by the beleaguered C and D companies.

“By 3 p.m.,” Terrence Maitland and Peter McInerney wrote in A Contagion of War, “the C Company commander reported they were surrounded by 200 to 300 NVA and under attack by mortars, automatic weapons and B-40 rockets.”

Six helicopters from the 335th Aviation Company attempting to resupply the pinned-down troopers were shot down during the day. U.S. aircraft hit enemy positions as close as 50 meters to the perimeter as GIs dug in for an NVA night attack.

4th Division’s Role Often Overlooked

Far too often, the part played by Ivy Division GIs at Dak To is glossed over. And vets of that proud unit feel the sting.

“[The 173rd] were good soldiers and did their fair share,” said Steve Stark, who was an artillery liaison specialist with 6th Bn., 29th Artillery, 1st Bde., 4th Inf. Div., at Dak To. “But they certainly did no more than the many other ‘non-elites’ did, like 4th Division grunts, the artillery and others.”

In the days leading up to the fight for Hill 875, 4th ID units sought out the enemy south of Dak To. In fact, the first significant contacts were made by its elements on Nov. 3-4 around Hill 1338.

“On Nov. 3, A and B companies made a combat assault from Dak To airstrip to a ridge line just below Hill 1338,” recalled Alex Cooker, then the platoon leader of 3rd Plt., B Co., 3rd Bn., 12th Inf. “We were ambushed by the NVA a short distance from where we landed. Thus began the Battle of Dak To.”

On Nov. 7- 8, A and D companies of the 3rd Bn., 8th Inf., fought NVA units east of Hill 830, losing 21 KIA and 81 WIA in close combat.

The 3rd Battalion on Nov. 10-11 sustained another 18 KIA and 118 WIA on Hill 724 during a five-hour ground and mortar attack.

A and D companies of 1st Bn., 12th Inf. (the “Red Warriors”), participated in the final assault on Hill 875. Harold B. Birch, battalion commander at the time, recalled that “about 14 Red Warriors were wounded in the attack, some by a misdirected American helicopter gunship.”

A soldier of D Company, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Infantry Division, takes a break from the heavy fighting during the battle for Dak To.

Division doctors at Dak To kept busy, too, often getting by on only three or four hours of sleep a night.

“We treated around 1,200 wounded during the period of the battle,” said William J. Shaffer, who served as the executive officer of B Co., 4th Medical Bn. “One thing that we took a great deal of pride in was that every wounded soldier, many in very, very serious condition, reached the 71st Evac Hospital at Pleiku alive.”

All told, the 1st Brigade lost 86 KIA during Dak To, with the 3rd Bn., 8th Inf., accounting for 46 KIA and 3rd Bn., 12th Inf., sacrificing 24 KIA.

“As far as brutal fighting goes,” 4th ID commander Maj. Gen. William R. Peers told news correspondents, “I would say this is the worst we’ve had.”

That was confirmed by the 1st Brigade’s Presidential Unit Citation for defeating a “numerically superior enemy during 33 days of violent, sustained combat.”

 ‘Slept with Corpses’ Tragically, one air strike hit too close to the paratroopers. At 6:58 p.m., a Marine Corps fighter-bomber mistakenly dropped two 500-pound bombs on the U.S. position.  One hit outside the perimeter, killing 25 NVA troops. The other hit C Company’s command post and aid station. Some 42 Americans (many of them already wounded) were killed and 45 wounded in the war’s worst “friendly fire” incident. “[There were] heaps of dead after that bomb,” a survivor remembered. “You didn’t know where to go, you did not know where to hide. You slept with corpses. I slept with Joe. He was dead, but he kept me warm.”

One soldier who didn’t survive the blast was chaplain Maj. Charles Watters. During the battle, Father Watters had ventured outside the perimeter at least five times, carrying wounded troops back to the aid station. According to survivors, he was on his knees giving last rites to a dying paratrooper when the bombs hit, killing him instantly. Watters received a posthumous Medal of Honor.

The next morning, Nov. 20, 4th Bn., 503rd Inf., set out to relieve the 2nd Battalion paratroopers. NVA snipers made the going slow, but B Company finally reached the perimeter by dusk. Two more companies arrived after dark and provided much-needed food and water to the exhausted troopers.

“Dawn on Tuesday, Nov. 21, revealed a scene on Hill 875 no survivor of that battle could ever forget,” Edward F. Murphy wrote in Dak To: America’s Sky Soldiers in South Vietnam’s Central Highlands. “The enormous amounts of ordnance expended by both forces had turned the once-lush tropical jungle into a scarred and torn landscape.”

Abandoned weapons, helmets, rucksacks, clothing, canteens and empty ration containers littered the battlefield. “The acrid odor of decaying and rotting flesh combined with the smells of vomit, feces, urine, blood, gunpowder and napalm etched itself permanently into the memories of those who were on Hill 875,” Murphy wrote.

‘Every Objective was Taken’  Throughout the day, U.S. airstrikes and artillery continued to pound the top of the hill, as the NVA lobbed mortars at the U.S. perimeter. The 4th Battalion launched an unsuccessful attack at around 3 p.m., and pulled back to defensive positions after dark. The battalion lost 12 KIA.

On Nov. 23, the 4th Battalion from the north slope coordinated a final assault on the hilltop with the 1st Bn., 12th Inf., 4th Inf. Div., charging up the south slope. Neither battalion faced heavy resistance as the NVA had decamped during the night, denying the Americans a chance at some revenge. But the GIs had fulfilled their objective.

“To walk away from Hill 875 would have diminished the importance of their sacrifices,” Murphy concluded. “The paratroopers’ esprit de corps, elitism and personal pride would not permit that.”

Though they were severely bloodied, the paratroopers inflicted even heavier losses on the NVA. So heavy, in fact, that the NVA’s 32nd, 66th and 174th regiments were unable to participate in the 1968 Tet Offensive.

“In a strictly military sense, the Dak To fighting has been a victory for the allied forces,” war correspondent Peter Arnett was forced to admit in an Associated Press report filed after spending 10 days at the scene. “Every objective was taken. The enemy loss in lives was about four times that of the allies.”

Despite reportedly higher enemy body counts, Maj. Gen. William B. Rosson, earlier commander of Task Force Oregon, estimated 1,000 NVA were killed.

For the bravery and sacrifices of its paratroopers around Dak To, the 173rd earned the Presidential Unit Citation.

Lethal Fire: Enemy and “Friendly” According to the after-action report, GIs sustained 242 KIA and 876 WIA in the battles between Nov. 2 and Dec. 1, 1967. But Murphy says that during the actions around Dak To, 376 Americans were killed and 1,441 wounded.

Of the 3,200 paratroopers from the 173rd deployed to Dak To, 27% were either killed (208) or wounded (645). The 173rd’s rifle companies sustained some 90% of the unit’s casualties.

“The rifle companies suffered 51% losses in just one month,” Murphy wrote. “And about 60 of the dead paratroop-ers—29%—were killed by friendly fire.”

The single deadliest day of Dak To was Nov. 19, when 83 Americans were killed and 110 wounded. Tragically, 50% of the deaths were due to “friendly fire.” Enemy fire claimed 41 GIs’ lives that day.

For the medics in the mix, casualties represented far more than statistics. The anguished cries of the wounded are what they remember most.

“There is something gut-wrenching about severely wounded men that I will never forget,” recalled Earle Jackson, a 173rd medic who served on Hill 875. “It is that most become delirious and almost always cry out for their mothers.”

© March 2006 VFW Magazine
www.vfw.org

Tuesday, February 15, 2022

 The Battle of Dak To


Eager Arms 1967-1968


The Battle of Dak To took place between 3 and 22 November, and was one of the major battles of the Vietnam War and one of the bloodiest.

In late October, intelligence reports indicated that a large NVA force was preparing to attack US military units and installations at Dak To, located in Kontum Province, and close to the tri-border region where South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia meet. Dak To lies on a flat valley floor adjacent to a river, and is completely surrounded by mountains with waves of ridgelines and peaks that stretch for many miles in all directions. Some of these ridges and peaks vary between 2500 and 4000 feet in height, and the slopes are very steep and covered with double and triple-canopy trees that are from 100 to 200 feet high and up to four feet in diameter. November was the beginning of the monsoon season, and temperatures in the mountains could reach 95 degrees during the day and drop to as low as 55 degrees at night.


An NVA soldier captured during the battle stated that all of October was used to prepare fortified positions on the key ridgelines surrounding Dak To, and carrying munitions and supplies to these positions from Laos. On 2 November, an NVA reconnaissance sergeant surrendered to Allied Forces at Dak To. When interrogated, he provided a detailed and accurate battle plan for the attack on the Dak To – Tan Canh area, which was to be conducted by four infantry regiments and one artillery regiment of the 1st NVA Division. Several other NVA formations participated in this large-scale operation and the total enemy strength was about 12,000 soldiers. The main NVA objective was to compel the US senior headquarters, Military Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV) to send reinforcements to Dak To and then to inflict heavy casualties on these units. Documents captured during the battle show that each NVA infantry regiment was assigned the mission of destroying one US battalion. A captured NVA battalion executive officer had a hand written directive in his pocket stating that he would defend his position to the last man. All of this demonstrates the fierce determination of the enemy and for the NVA leadership in Hanoi, this was an important political confrontation designed to send a crystal-clear signal on the vulnerability of US forces and that the NVA had the capability to launch large-scale attacks against American forces and installations.  


MACV responded to this enemy encirclement of Dak To – Tan Canh area by deploying several units to reinforce the US 4th Infantry Division. These formations were placed under the operational control of the 4th Infantry Division and included the 173rd Airborne Brigade and our unit, 1st Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division. According to a secret message prepared by MACV Deputy Commander, General Creighton Abrams (date/time 221325Z Nov 67), the 1st Brigade units arrived at Dak To as follows: 1st Battalion, 8th Cavalry arrived on 10 November; 1st Battalion, 12th Cavalry on 11 November; 1st Brigade Headquarters and our battalion, 2nd Battalion, 8th Cavalry on 14 November.  

                                




The fighting had started on 4 November when US 4th Infantry Division units attacked to secure the ridges to the south of Dak To. Three days later, 173rd Airborne Brigade units pushed west and then southwest, while South Vietnamese Army (ARVN) units pushed north and east. All of these friendly units met stiff resistance from sizeable enemy forces occupying fortified positions on the tops of the peaks and ridges, which confirmed the accuracy of the detailed battle plan obtained from the NVA deserter. In conjunction with these ground attacks, the US initiated a massive bombardment of enemy positions employing all available means. The extent of this massive bombardment is evident from the munitions expended during the Battle of Dak To: 257 B-52 strikes, 2,096 tactical air sorties and a total of 151,000 artillery rounds. It is hard to imagine how anyone could survive such a  bombing inferno, however, during the course of the battle we discovered that some of the NVA fortified positions consisted of three concentric trenches around the top of a mountain and they had dug a series of holes deep into the mountain which they used as bomb shelters.


There were two phases to the Battle of Dak To; the first phase was between 4-12 November, and the second and most violent phase was from 17-22 November. According to General Abrahm’s message, our battalion arrived in the area on 14 November, however, the 4th Infantry Division Combat After Action Report states that our Battalion arrived on 18 November (other evidence supports our deployment on 14 November). The latter report went on to state that our battalion was deployed “into the hills east of TAN CANH and encountered strong enemy defences. The battalion operated in the area six days, again blasting the enemy out”.

 


  LANDING ZONE ON ARRIVAL AT DAK TO

 


EXTRACTION OF BRAVO COMPANY 17-18 NOV (LOOKING TOWARDS SPECIAL FORCES CAMP)


Thanks to Fred Fish for the above photos


19 November will always be remembered by the many relatives who lost a loved one on this date at Dak To and by the many veterans who participated in this battle. The strongest enemy resistance was on the infamous Hill 875, located southwest of Dak To where two battalions of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, the 2nd Battalion and 4th Battalion, 503rd Infantry Regiment, fought for several days to seize this hilltop. The attack began on 19 November and Hill 875 was finally secured on Thanksgiving Day, 23 November. Both battalions suffered very heavy casualties and the fighting was so violent that the infantry companies were calling in artillery and air strikes dangerously close to their own positions. The casualty figures for these two battalions were158 killed and 402 wounded in action.

 

 





 

Bravo Company was also engaged in a fierce firefight on Hill 1034 on 19 Nov, but first some relevant background details from the 1st Bde, 1st ACD, Combat After Action Report, dated 1 Dec 1967. The 1st Brigade Task Force that deployed to Dak To consisted of two battalions; 2nd Bn 8th Cav Regt and 1st Bn 12th Cav Regt. Major supporting units included; 2-19th  Arty(-), A/2-20 Arty (ARA), B/229th AH Co(-),  and 228th ASH Co(-). Other supporting units included platoons or detachments of MPs, scout dogs, pathfinders, engineers, Military Intelligence, Tactical Air Control Party, and several others. 1st Brigade combat units deployed to Dak To on 14 Nov by C-130 from LZ English. A total of 37 C-130 sorties were required to move combat units and their essential equipment, while logistical and other units moved by road with an overnight at An Khe.


On 15 Nov, the 2-8th Cav initially released two companies to the 1st Bde, 4th Inf Div for the defense of Dak To. On 16 Nov, the 2-8th Cav Command Post moved from Kontum to the Dak To area (LZ Winchester), resumed control of their rifle companies and operated under the 1st Bde, 4th Div to assist in the defense of Dak To. D Co worked generally to the south, B Co to the north and C Co to the east of Dak To. C Co made contact with estimated NVA company at ZB 110210 and conducted a two day battle finally securing the hill top. A Co, 2-8th Cav, remained under the operational control of the 1st Bde, 1st ACD, and secured the proposed forward CP location at LZ Polly. It was determined on 16 Nov that the proposed forward CP location for the 1st Bde , 1st ACD, would not be at LZ Polly but instead be at LZ Winchester (ZB 046208), which was the location for the 2-8thCav CP and the 173d Abn Bde Rear CP.


On 19 Nov, the 2-8th  Cav (-) returned to the operational control of the 1st Bde, 1st ACD, and the battalion was assigned an area of operation in the general vicinity of where C Co had contact with enemy forces at ZB110210. This area of operation was called the WHITEHORSE AO.


On 19 Nov, B Co conducted a combat assault on a narrow ridgeline at ZB 106218 with the mission of securing Hill 1034, located at ZB 109223. Bravo Company was not aware of any intelligence indicating that enemy forces had established extensive fortifications on Hill 1034. For their defense of Hill 1034 and to survive massive bombardments by US artillery and air-strikes, enemy forces had established a horseshoe defense consisting of an elaborate bunker system with connecting tunnels and the whole complex was skillfully camouflaged. Immediately prior to the beginning of this firefight, the lead elements of Blackfoot Platoon had reached the southern tip of Hill 1034 and had started occupying hasty defense positions, while the remainder of Bravo Company continued to close on Hill 1034. It is highly likely that Blackfoot approached Hill 1034 from one direction, while Cheyenne was the lead platoon for the remainder of Bravo Company who approached Hill 1034 from another direction. The command group with Captain Decker and his radio operator, SP4 Fowler, was located with Cheyenne.


This was the situation when Bravo came under intense and accurate fire from enemy forces occupying fortified positions on Hill 1034. It all started abruptly when enemy forces engaged Blackfoot from well-camouflaged fighting positions and our first casualty was Lieutenant Rodreick. In the course of a short period, Bravo Company sustained 10 casualties, representing 9% of our field strength. Among those killed in action was Captain David Decker, Commanding Officer of Bravo Company; Specialist William Fowler, Captain Decker’s radio operator; and Lieutenant Ronald Rodreick, Blackfoot Platoon Leader.  Specialist Thomas Olearnick, who was the pointman for Cheyenne on the approach to Hill 1034, was listed as missing in action but his status was later changed to “died while missing”. Based on a letter written home by one of our troopers, Bravo Company had a total of six troopers wounded during this action and they were medevaced by helicopters. Aztec Platoon was in a position to provide covering fire while Blackfoot and Cheyenne withdrew from the top of Hill 1034 with our casualties. The assault on Hill 1034 was suspended while we evacuated all of our casualties and it was also necessary to reorganize due to the loss of several leaders.     


Late in the afternoon of 19 Nov, B Co was extracted from ZB 106218 and inserted in the vicinity of C Co at ZB 110210. During the evening, night and the morning of 20 Nov, the entire ridge complex from ZB 110210 to ZB 103237 was pounded by artillery and air strikes. Estimates of the enemy strength on the ridgelines, based on contacts by B and C Co, 2-8th Cav and visual sightings by aerial observers, indicated a well dug-in enemy battalion.


During the night of 19-20 Nov, a F4F aircraft conducting an air strike on Hill 1034 received ground to air fire and crashed in the vicinity of ZB 09022. One of the pilots ejected safely and ARA gunships covered his extraction immediately after the crash. D Co returned to 2-8th Cav control on 20 Nov and conducted a combat assault to secure the wreckage of the downed aircraft, recover the body of the pilot who failed to eject and to extract sensitive items of equipment.


Early in the morning of 20 November, Captain Peter O’Sullivan assumed command of Bravo Company and landed at the company location at ZB 110210 with two replacement platoon leaders; Lt. Thomas Beach (Cheyenne) and Lt. Gus Pappas (Mohawk). On the same date, Lt. Thomas De Young (Blackfoot) was transferred from Charlie to Bravo Company to provide Bravo Company with a combat experienced platoon leader. Another replacement platoon leader, Lt. Charles Ready (Aztec), joined Bravo Company sometime during the afternoon of 19 Nov. The former platoon leader of Aztec, Lt. Bill Berry, was assigned duties as Bravo Company Executive Officer on 16 November. Another former platoon leader (Cheyenne) of Bravo Company, Lt. Alfred Lehman, was assigned to our Battalion Headquarters Company with an effective date of 21 November. 


The following two photos on the bombing of Hill 1034 were taken during the morning of 20 Nov from our location at ZB 110210 and before we assaulted the hill. 


 

BOMBING OF HILL 1034


Thanks to Ralph Mercado


BOMBING OF HILL 1034


Thanks to Jimmie Hentkowski


The following photograph was taken of shortly after we occupied Hill 1034 on 20 November 1967, and these troopers portray the anguish and sorrow that affected all of the members of Bravo Company.


  BRAVO COMPANY ON HILL 1034, DAK TO,

20 NOVEMBER 1967


Captain O'Sullivan and 1st SGT Rodriguez

  HILL 1034



Thanks to Jimmie Hentkowski

  AFTER THE BATTLE FOR HILL 1034, DAK TO, 20 NOVEMBER 1967


Thanks to Sam Walker. Cheyenne - Ricky Day shirtless (?), Byron Shaw with canteen (?).

 

LOOKING TOWARDS DAK TO FROM HILL 1034


Thanks to Tom De Young


 

CAPTURED ENEMY WEAPONS AND

EQUIPMENT ON HILL 1034


Thanks to Tom De Young


SCOUT DOG ON HILL 1034



Thanks to Tom De Young

The difficulties of conducting combat assaults in the hills surrounding Dak To with double and triple-canopy trees is clearly evident from this photograph.


  COMBAT ASSAULT AT DAK TO DURING NOVEMBER 1967


  NIGHT DEFENSE POSITION


Thanks to Ralph Mercado

In the afternoon of 20 Nov and proceeded by a devastating air and artillery barrage, Bravo Company completed the assault of Hill 1034. We spent most of the evening and the following two days clearing the extensive enemy bunker complex surrounding Hill 1034, and collecting captured NVA weapons and a large supply of artillery and mortar ammunition, some of which had markings showing that they were manufactured in Russia. According to information recorded in a letter home, one of the enemy units occupying Hill 1034 was an NVA mortar unit with an identification number of 338. This information was obtained from enemy documents found in the bunkers. Another dangerous situation confronting us was the presence of numerous unexploded cluster bombs that were scattered all over Hill 1034 and an Explosive Ordinance Team spent many hours blowing them up. The entire ridgeline was cleared and secured by 21 Nov. On 23 or 24 Nov, Bravo was assigned the mission of securing LZ Winchester with three platoons, and one platoon (Blackfoot) was sent to Kontum to secure the 1st Bde, 1st ACD, rear command post.


On Thanksgiving Day, 23 November, we received the news that the battle of Dak To was over and the enemy had probably returned to their sanctuaries in Laos and Cambodia. Bravo Company (minus Blackfoot) was on another hilltop, called LZ Winchester, and late in the afternoon, choppers arrived with our Thanksgiving dinner, consisting of turkey with all the trimmings. Although we enjoyed our meal, there was a noticeable sadness among the troops as if they were silently thinking of their friends and colleagues who were not present.


On 23 Nov, the WHITEHORSE AO was expanded to the north and east to allow for pursuit to the northeast. A firebase, LZ FALCON (ZB 133212), was opened on 23 Nov. On 24 Nov, A and C Co’s combat assaulted to the northeast with no significant findings. Both companies were subsequently extracted to LZ WINCHESTER on 24 Nov in preparation for the return of the 1st Bde, 1st ACD, to the Pershing AO on 25 Nov.


On 25 Nov, the 1st Bde combat units moved by air on 37 C-130 sorties to LZ ENGLISH and the last unit landed at the Arrival Airfield at 1800H. 2-8th Cav units were moved from the Arrival Airfield by helicopters to their new missions:  C Co, 2-8th Cav assumed the security mission at LZ MUSTANG-TAPE at 251530H Nov 67. B Co 2-8th Cav(-) assumed the security mission at LZ LARAMIE at 251600H Nov 67 and provided two platoons to assist in securing LZ ENGLISH by 1600H. A and D Co 2-8th Cav conducted search and clear operations in the Bong Son AO.


NVA casualties during the Battle of Dak To were between 1200-1455 killed in action and it is likely that the figure for NVA wounded in action would be somewhere around 3000. Provoked by these high casualties, a NVA officer called Dak To a “useless and bloody battle”. US casualties during the Battle of Dak To were 289 killed in action, 985 wounded and 16 missing in action. Forty helicopters, two C-130 Hercules and one a F4F aircraft were destroyed by enemy fire. Because of the steep slopes and triple-canopy trees, there was a serious lack of suitable sites for landing helicopters and this meant that most troop movements had to be conducted on foot. There is no doubt that the scarcity of suitable landing sites made it very difficult to conduct airmobile operations in the Dak To area, and this greatly reduced not only our combat effectiveness but also our combat advantage over our opponents. In fact, there are numerous cases where the Battle of Dak To was a traditional “one on one” infantry contest and where we assaulted hills just like the US infantry did during the Korean War. Most military experts would agree that the battles of Dak To in November and Tam Quan in December were preliminary battles to the Tet Offensive in January 1968.


Mail was extremely important to all in Bravo Company and the following letter from one of our troopers to his mother shows how parents were kept informed  of the activities of Bravo Company. In addition, this letter contained very important information on the Battle of Dak To that was used for this article, in particular, the identification of Hill 1034 and the number of Bravo Company casualties. Notice that instead of using postage stamps, we wrote “FREE” on the envelope.